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NOVEMBER 19, lfW -
fund struggles for a decent existence. In tho
face of those facts what the republican platform
says about maintaining 'the high standard of
living of the wage earners of the country, who
are the most direct beneficiaries of the protective
system, looks like buncombe. 'High standard
of living!' Where is the wizard of finance who
can maintain even a decent standard of living
at present trust and tariff- made prices on $G 47
a week? What sort of a 'high standard of liv
ing homo can a head of a family maintain in
Massachusetts on $8.53 per week? These are
not the American 'wages,' for the maintenance
of which tho people have consented to bo taxed
by the 'captains of cotton,' these wages that
rob the child of his playday, these wages that
rob the babe of mother care, these wages that
make the mill towns of New England an invit
ing field for exploitation by procurers of
'daughters of the poor,' for dens of infamy in
city Blums. These are the wages of a criminal
system, the wages of a subjected people, the
wages of oppression. And these 'profits' are
not profits, but the fruits of graft and theft,
the plundering of money gluttons run mad in
their insatiate greed, piling fortune upon fortune
until their accumulated wealth becomes a men
ace to society, corrupting and dominating tho
peoplo's government."
SENATOR CUMMINS of Iowa made a speech
In Chicago attacking Cannon and Aldrich.
In that speech he said: "I-understand perfectly
that it would have been holpful to party har
mony if wo" could have voted together, but that
Is not the question. The platform was for pro
tection. All the republicans in congress were
for protection, but the view of these high priests
appears to be that if they thought that upon
any given article protection required 50 per
cent, and we thought the articlo would be amply
protected with 25 per cent, unless wo voted for
50, wo w.ere no longer republicans. The wholo
proposition is so aosurd that even the most
rabid member of the triumvirate will not re
peat it often. There need be no concern about
the attitude of the insurgents and their' friends.
They will do their best to nominate candidates
who believe in a progressive republican party.
When they succeed they will rejoice necause a
step will have- been'-talc'en in the path df reform.
When thejT fail they will be republicans still,
for if there ever was a time when there was
absolutely no reason for transferring any branch
of the government to democratic hands, this Is
the time. Individually, I have high regard for
the integrity and patriotism of many of tho
democratic senators and representatives in con
gress, but collectively they are moro unfit to
manage the affairs of a great country than ever
before in the history of the organization. Never
theless, we do riot Intend to accept as final the
revision of the tariff against which wo voted,
and we do intend to tell the people of the coun
try from time to time why we could not and
did not give the bill our approval."
JOHN STEWART KENNEDY, the New York
philanthropist who died recently leaving
enormous sums to charity, did not boast of his
benefactions, although during his lifetime he
gave generously. Referring to Mr. Kennedy the
Omaha World-Herald says: "While the world
now learns that his will bequeaths $25,000,000
to educational and church institutions, to libra
Ties and charity, his left hand seems to have
knowfi nothing "about It. The right hand wrote
silently and the world's knowledge comes too
late for Kennedy to hear any praise. He got
that big deed without the knowledge of the
world of which he was still a part and this is
the only word he left about it: 'Having been
greatly prosperous in the business which I car
ried on for more than thirty years In this, my
adopted country, and being desirous of leaving
some expression of my sympathy with its re
ligious, charitable, benevolent and educational
Institutions, I make these gifts.' He asks for
no carving of his name above doors, on stones
or walls. He does not ask that his name and
memory be identified with any 'foundations.'
And now his close friends recall that he was
a big but quiet giver in his lifetime. He gave
$800,000 in one place, $1,000,000 in another,
$250,000 in another, $500,000 in another, $400,
000 In another, to say nothing of smaller sums,
but under such circumstances, with so little an
nouncement and ado that it requires his death,
with a patticular survey of his life, to restore
a recollection of his benefactions. Leaving an
estate of almost $100,000,000, he had not sought
or lived in the limelight as a rich man. He was
The Commoner.
?n?? li pU8h eod things along without shout-
noin?fnTieJyb0d?. to watch h,m- H contributed
Sf; as h,o was able, to all tho main
wnrM at. ,work,for io betterment of tho
WJ ' JatMn? a tho whilo that modest re
gard of himself which a judicious survey of
man s general estato suggests and tho canons of
Piety enjoin. If, when ho put down $100,000
for the University of Glasgow, and added tho
note, where from my infancy I resided until I
m0 ,, .thlB country "Q folt some pride, wo
wm call It of tho noble sort, and when wo ob
serve that bequests of from $10,000 to $25,000
are left to a large number of relatives and bo
.quests of from $500 to $2,000 to old employes
we almost wish ho might return so that wo might
grasp that generous and discreot right hand."
WILLIAM COURT GULLY, long tho leader
. ,, noUBO of commons and the first
Viscount Selby, died at London. He was born
in I8db. A London cablegram to tho Chicago
Record-Herald says: "Tho viscount was speaker
or the house of commons from 1895 to 1905
Mr. Gully at the time of his election as 'first
commoner of England' had achieved a high rep
utation at the English bar. His grandfather was
in his youth a well-known pugilist. The viscount
was, educated at Trinity College, Cambridge,
where he took his B. A. degree in 1856,. and
during his college career he showed great prom
ise of tho oratorical ability which later on in
great measure led to his advancement to tho
speakership. On leaving the university Mr.
Gully studied law and was called to tho bar
in 1860. Seventeen years later he became a
Q. C., 'taking the silk' from Lord Cairns in 1877.
By this time Mr. Gully was well known on the
northern circuit as a prominent and successful
loader, and his eminence was recognized by his
legal brethren in 1879 when they appointed
him one of the benchers of tho inner temple.
When Mr. Gully turned his attention to politics
his connection with the northern circuit led him
to look for a seat in parliament from the north
of England. In 1880 and 1885 ho contested
Whitehaven without success. In 1886 ho, stao,d
for , Carlisle and was elected by a narrow ma
jority. In April, 1895, during Lord Rosobery's
premiership, Mr. Gully was elected speaker by
the liberals to succoed Mr. Peel, who wished to
retire, and later in the same year, when tho
conservatives returned to power, he was re
elected. The election of a speaker has no bear
ing on party politics. Mr. Gully soon proved
himself a success as speaker. Intense watchful
ness, presence of mind and promptitude of action
were his prime characteristics, and throughout
his service he was highly respected by both sides
of tho house. His readiness of action is told in
scores of stories. As an illustration, on one
occasion when a proposal to read an Irish bill
was up an Irish member cried, 'I object.' Later
the same member wished to speak on tho bill,
but the speaker stopped him, telling him that ho
had already spoken. The member indignantly
denied this, whereupon Speaker Gully reminded
him that in the beginning ho had said 'I object,'
which constituted a speech from a parliamentary
point of view."
SPEAKING BEFORE the Knights of Colum
bus at Omaha' Congressman G. M. Hitchcock
attacked the central bank proposition. Con
cerning Congressman Hitchcock's address tho
Omaha World-Herald says: "He opened by ex
plaining the revolutionary character of the pro
posal. It contemplated depriving 7,000 national
banks of the power to Issue bank notes on de
posit of security with the government. It pro
posed to give this power solely to the central
bank. This bank to have a capital of $100,
000,000 and to receive all government deposits
now scattered in banks all over the country and
also all funds ordinarily kept in the treasury.
This bank also to hold the reserves of all other
national banks and to advance currency to them
in time of need upon the deposit of securities.
In other words the banks of tho country now in
dependent would be made subordinate to tho
central bank. It would have the power to .ex
pand or contract the supply of currency, to ex
tend or to refuse aid, to makes prices high by a
plentiful supply of currency or to force prices
down by contracting it and calling in loans. It
would have the power to fix the rate of interest.
What is tho need for such a revolutionary pro
ceeding? Is our banking system in bad snap
or are our banks languishing? On tho other
hand tho banking power of the United States has
grown more rapidly in fifty years than that of
7
iwfit'nn nUnt7; .Mu,ha". o recognized an
tnorlty on tho Bubjcct, states that tho total hank
ie i?.0V;?r ?f fh0 wor,tl ,8 $50,000,000,000 and
of this tho United States has two-fifths whilo all
i?i. S ,ml,ons combined only have threo
fiftlm. Vory soon wo will have one-half the
Jhn S.?f ?iOW?r .f th0 wh0,(J wor,d- Not on'
that, but tho banks of America independent and
owned by capitalists whore they d0P buslncss-
tho ?,nnirm,rr0 87,,co to tI,0,r customers than
tho banks of any European country. Then why
copy the monarchical system of European conn-
if Srli?"0 ft fW roat bM,kB w,th thousands
of branches centralize control and destroy ln-
dopendonco? Why emphasize that centraliza
tion by creating a contral bank to dominate tho
banking Interests of tho country? Is It necessary
on account of lack of currency? Wo havo moro
iai ?ny th?r country. Wo hnvo all that wo
ncod legitimately. Tho real troublo Is that tho
big interests in the east want a system which
will put this currency into their control. Thoy
want a system which will put tho wholo money
supply in tholr hands. With a contral bank they
would got it. This is too big a country to submit
to such dictation. Tho Independence of our
banks is a sourco of prldo and prosperity. Wo
io npt want to see them become practical
branches of a great central bank. Tho west
has created and developed its own banks. It
owns them and Is ablo to sustain them if tho law
does not cripplo them and mako them subordi
nate. Tho west ospoclally should ioauo a de
claration of indopendonco for its banks and pro
test against tho proposition to mako them de
pendent and subordinate."
A HUMAN Interest story sent by wire to tho
Now York World from St. Louis follows:
By a simple, earnest appeal to a burglar as she
ii YPi In bed In th0 soml-gloom created by a
night lamp, Mrs. Boulah Coleman of Ferguson
reached hJs bettor naturo and caused him, with
lowered head and slinking steps, to return tho
money and jewelry ho hnd taken. 'You're a
burglar, aren't you?' she asked of tho figure dim
ly rovealed in tho kitchen adjoining, ills silence
convicted Ulm. Tin not going to Aako you to
task for that,' she continued In a low voico
calculated not to awake her husband, asleep in
tho front room, and tho children at nor side,
'My husband is an invalid and I am trying to
support this little family I know you noed tho
money, or you wouldn't bo hero, but I probably
need it worse than you. You see those children
who aro dependent upon mo, a woman. You aro
a man. It is for you to decide who needs tho
money most.' Tho thief did not answor, but
tossed her husband's pockotbook on the foot of
tho bed, slid tho jewelry out of his pockets to
tho dresser and left,"
REFERRING TO tho federal court's decision
against tho Nebraska guaranteed deposits
law tho Springfield (Mass.) Republican says:
"It is an extraordinary decision which comes
from tho United States circuit court at Lincoln,
Neb., nullifying tho slate deposit guaranty law.
To enforco contributions by each bank to a com
mon fund for tho payment of losses of failed
banks is held by tho court to be depriving ono
person of his money to pay the debts of an
other, and therefore to bo taking property with
out due process of law. At first sight this may
seem to be a sensible judgment. But consider
tho consequences if it should be approved by
tho United States supremo court. Practically
all of tho bank currency reform plans worthy
of consideration, which havo been proposed,
provide at least for a guaranty fund contributed
by all the banks for the redemption of the notes
of failed banks after the manner of tho Canadian
banking system. Now between tho circulating
bank note and bank deposits there is no essen
tial difference. They aro merely different forms
of bank credit. They aro equally a liability of
tho bank. The federal government, moreover,
is held to a provision against depriving any ono
of his property without duo process of law as
is tho legislature or government of Nebraska.
Therefore, if this decision Is to stand, any re
formed national bank system which should pro
vide a general guaranty fund or mutual insur
ance of circulating notes, would be outlawed to
that extent. And ono may be euro banks will
never be allowed to circulate notes against their
general assets without such a mutual Insurance
of their noto liabilities. It is not alone tho
deposit guaranty plan which is hit by this de
cision; it Is. bank currency reform also which
receives a knockdown blow."
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