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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 22, 1909)
'" '"yyiliiiyir'wi jmwigr w4rtfr,wtr'y?l?JI,v''w''rr -- "t"?? OCTOBER 22, 1909' " jvhopresidod as chairman, a policeman escorted ? lm ?ila11; ,Gaynor's speech was a plea for personal 1 berty and for a liberal construc tion particularly of the Sabbath observance laws, lie attacked General Theodore A. Bingham, foriuw polite commissioner, who is now cam- l!iiS?!,!ls.,l,Stt1?at Ga'nor. 8 a 'strut-about, a head bii.br from the White House, brought bore over the heads of 5,000 better men than lie, who introduced here a militarism which would never be toleratod in Russia.' 'Law and order, u continued, 'must prevail in this city, but first of all we must have law and order among those who rule. The individual rights must be observed. There must bo no snap ar rests. Bannard's speeches in Brooklyn were confined principally to municipal Issues. He avoided personal attacks, as he has done all along, but was a sovere critic of Tammany in general." O XT IS PREDICTED that, as a result of Ihc J. contest now on between the two big politi cal parties in England, a national election will soon be held. Charles P. Stewart, writing from London to the Lincoln (Neb.) Star says: "The light will be one of the fiercest, as well as one of the most important, on the strength of the iss-ues involved, that Groat Erltain has known in generations. One point the electors will be asked to settle is whether England is to con tinue under a government virtually by the aris tocracy, as in the past, or is to pass into the hands of an element which, If not actually social istic, is at least s6 near to it that the 'upper classes' can't see any difference. The survival of the system of hereditary legislation will also bo at stake. A decision will likewise have to be reached between the advocates of protection and those of free trade. The liberals are the supporters of what the conservatives call socialismold-age pensions, governmental provi sion of work for the unemployed, state Insur ance against siclcness and involuntary idleness, state ownership of public utilities, the gradual obliteration of large fortunes through the im position of a heavy graduated incomo tax and enormous death duties, and taxation of land to an extent sufficient to prevent holdings in excess of what the owners can make useful to the community at large. The same party favors a reorganization of the house of lords on a basis which will make it, mainly at least, elec tive. Free trade is also a liberal doctrine. The conservatives, as representing the country's vested Interests, naturally oppose all the so called socialistic legislation to which the lib erals are committed. They think the ends tho liberals seek in the direction of the ameliora tion of the present deplorable condition of tho poor, can be accomplished by the establishment of a heayy protective tariff. They admit the necessity of some sort of a reorganization of the house of lords but on far less drastic lines than the liberals propose. There are other and minor differences of opinion between the two parties, but the .'ssues of socialism so-called protec tion and the maintenance of the principle of hereditary legislation are the most important. They are the issues, too, which are most likely either to interest or actually to effect the rest of the world." THE FIGHT was precipitated when the house of lords rejected what is called "the budget" which is tho measure providing for the finance and taxation systems for the coming year. On this point Mr. Stewart says: "The liberals say the house of lords has no right to veto a 'budget.' The conservatives say it has. Appar ently the conservatives are right, for it is a practical certainty the house of lords will do it. Tho question is a constitutional one, but con stitutional questions are not as -sily settled in England as in the United States, because the English constitution is not a written document but merely a mass of precedent and sometin -3 precedents clash. They clash in the present caso. In one way the lords have the advantage. There is no question that the 'budget must pass both houses beforo it becomes law. If the lords refuse to pass It, whether or not the con- stitution permits them to refuse, then that 'budget' is not law. The commons' only choice is to get up a new one, which will meet tho approval of the upper house, or to abolish the house of lords. The only point upon which everyone is agreed is that the lords have no right to initiate financial legislation. The peers can hardly be expected to welcome the loss of their own fortunes, but-there in one thing that The Commoner. hmfi n?S l)0, for8ttcn o members of the S?n,? M0rdi8 aro,not altogothor fools merely ThnJ 85lthoyiwo th0 PJudicos of their class, ilin nS?V thP,y cnn 110t successfully oppose rnnPop s w,,, and many "lines they have aono in the past prove thnt they havo pretty accurate notions as to what the masses want. KL 11? y ? .m.cans a foregone conclusion that hereditary legislation will bo done away with oven though tho upper house docs defy tho commons in tho presont instance. In a national election the conservatives may win, after nil." D'YVID LLOYD-GEORGE, chancellor of t!.i exchequer for England, was given a popu lar reception at New Castlo "Wo'ro going to send that bill up to the houso of lords and got all of tho taxes or none," ho said. Ho did not know what would bo tho final action to bo taken by "poor Lord Lansdowno. with his croaking old ship and mutinous crow," but if tho lords tore up tho constitution by it, following with the money bill, they would force a revolution. "Tho lords may decree a revolution, but tho people will direct it if it is begun, and issues will be , raised that aro now little dreamed of, tho an swers to which will bo charged with peril for tho order of things which the peers represent," said tho chancellor. F EDERAL JUDGE T. C. Munger, sittlug at Lincoln, Neb., delivered with tho consent of Circuit Judge VanDovonter, tho opinion de claring invalid Nebraska's guaranteed deposits law. The court holds that this law infringes tho United States constitutional clause providing for the taking of property only with duo process of law. The court holds that because tho act re quires men to incorporate before they engage in the banking business it is void, tho theory being that individuals may not bo barred from busi ness. Two days after this decision Governor Shallenbcrgor gavo to the press a statoment In which he sternly criticised the court's opinion, saying that there was nothing left but to await the action of tho United States supremo court in Lope of a reversal of this sweeping verdict. The governor added that the decision showed that tho people must pay more attention to, tho character and quality of their judges. He says it is the place of congress tc act, adding: "The remedy lies with congreES to go to the very root of this whole question. The only federal court specifically created by the constitution is the supremo court of the United States. All in ferior federal tribunals aro the result of legisla tive enactments. Their jurisdiction can be lim ited and determined by congre&s. The procedure in cases which deal with Btate matters entirely, such as this law was designed to do, should be confined to the state court of last resort, and from thence the appeal, if there Is any, should be directly to tho supremo court of tho United States." ANEW YORK farmer,, who signs his name "Billy Madden," writes from Cairo, N. Y., a practical reply to J. J. Hill, the railroad mag nate. Mr. Madden's article is printed In tho New York World and is as follows: "I read yesterday's editorial in tho World about farms. I bought a 125 acre farm in Cairo some three months ago. James J. Hill seems to bo con cerned about tho future food supply for cities. My opinion is, well ho may; but it is as much his fault and other express and railroad trust magnates. I have not heard of any of them offering, special terms to deliver tho farmers' products to the consumers In the cities. I sent a barrel of apples to my sister-in-law in Brook lyn, which cost me only 40 cents by boat and train boat 110 miles ten miles over Catskill Mountain railroad, the dearest in the world, which charges 10 cents a mile for passengars. The express company wanted $1.25 to take it from New York to Brooklyn. The government should have a parcels post so a barrel of food of any kind could be sent 100 miles by putting a 25 cent stamp on it direct to consumer. I sent other barrels to a commission merchant. He will call at the boat for them and send mo back what he thinks is O. K. I think It would be a good bet that the consumer pays at least four times as much as I got. Tho state govern ments will have to tako the farms under their management and work them before many years, especially in the east, as my neighbor, who works 125 acres alone, tells me good farms twenty five years ago are now grown up in bushes. Tho next man to me also has 118 acres. ' He works it alone. They can't afford to pay ?25 per month; $10 would be about the limit. One bun- drod ncrcn. should have three men. Tills land Is rough, uut could bo mndo to raino good crops. J hero aro a few farms woll worked horo by man who mndo their money during-tho boarding sea son tho sauio atj mon of means everywhere." TN HIS ADDRESS nt Prescott, Ariz., Prcsl X dent Taft called tho Oklahoma constitution a zoological garden of cranks." Ho was talk ing to tho people of Arizona about their own constitution when ho said: "You havo got to formulate a constitution after tho congress say you shnll como in, and I want to say a word about that constitution. In saying so I give you an oarncst knowledgo of the soriousnosH with which I say that I bollovo you will bo made a state. A constitution is for the purpose of lay ing down fundamental limitations upon your legislature and your oxecutlve. Now If you think that in that constitutional convontlon you ought to lay down all tho limitations that aro ordi narily included in tho statute you aro going to niako a great mistake Tho groatost constitution that over was mndo Is tho constitution of tho United States, and you can go through that in a very short time. You tako tho last constitu tion that was made tho constitution of Okla homa and It is a zoological garden of cranka. J don't mean to say that It has no good idcaa In It; It has. But tho Idea of tying down a legislature, which Is an experiment, so to speak, with tho laws that arc to bo adapted to a now territory, with a long discourse Imposing all sorts of limitations is a mistako which you ought to profit by. Your assumption of statehood throws upon you a responsibility that will not cnnblo you thereafter to chargo it all to the federal government. Whon you got Into diffi culty out here and havo bud officials, or your logislaturo gets you into it In a county or city you can not say It Is all at Washington, because Washington does not understiud It. Then, tho fault will bo on your own hoad." NOW THEY arc beginning to talk of Roose velt for 1912. A Washington letter to tho Kansas City Post says: 'During tho memorable fight In congress over tho railroad rato-b'lll, a Washington newspaper begau publishing long articles boosting Mr. Taft, then secretary of war, for President. Tho articles appeared to como ex cathedra, and tho writer wan well known as one of the president's Intimates. Cer tain three senators, who had been watching these publications quizzically, being at heart much opposed to Taft, dined at the White Houso on famllle with the chlqf executive. Mr. Roose velt sat on tho veranda' after dinner, looked at tho summer moon hanging in all tho glories of Juno over the Washington monument, smoked big black cigars and talked to his senatorial guests. Ho was bent on impressing them, and on winning them around to his scheme of things in tho sennto, so he remarked, with an air or Injured innocence: 'Do you know this fellow - , who has been writing these stories In the about Secretary Taft?' 'Wo do they all replied, and kept on smoking. 'Well, aren't those articles tho most remarkable things you over saw?' 'They were,' calmly agreed the senators, 'And, tho funny part-about them,' said Mr. Roosevelt vehemently, 'Is that he attempts to create the Idea that I am Inspiring them The senators smoked silently. 'MosL absurd!' he cried. 'Of course I esteem Mr. Tart highly, but I have not the slightest Idea of mixing in that fight or of pushing him or anyone else. It's not men T am interested in, but things more important The senators were apparently de lighted to hear it. A few days passed. Two more Taft booms appeared in the columns of tho Washington paper. The three senators ono of whom is said to have been Joseph Benson Foraker sat in a row In tho senate chamber and looked up at tho press gallery. There sat tho Taft boomer twirling a lead pencil. One ot them called him or beckoned to him and down the writer came. 'Say, old man queried the senator, 'where do you get all this Taft stuff?' 'Get it?' answered the other, 'Why, I don't mind telling you on tho q-t I get It every day at tho White House from tho president's own lips!' The senator returned to the chamber, told his fellow-diners, and tho air Immediately was surcharged with profanity. This tale, told quietly at the time, Is chiefly of interest now, because of the increasing gossip connecting Roosevelt with the presidential nomination in 1912. It shows to what great lengths his ex cellency went to boost Taft, and keep things moving for himself at the same time. It shows how long ago it was that the wires were being laid for the Taft boom." 4 f i !A .0 K 'Xfcji IWIWW irtwunowwi !