The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, September 17, 1909, Page 2, Image 2
i -. H 'r "T , -J TWr"-&''i, i i"rtf js&ixpmj . P I I t l A K I l ft. 1 I NOT BACK TO OXiBVBANDISM Whon an odltorlal entltldd "On to Sham Bat tlo" appoarod in a rocont lssuo of Thof Commoner h dispatch was sent out from Lincoln to tho effect that Mr. Bryan had declared in Tho Commoner "that tho next light of democracy must bo along tho linos of Cleveland's victory." Some of tho oastorn papers still further misrepresented tho article by putting headlines over tho press dis patch liko tho following "Nobraskan says domocracy must got back to Cleveland's tariff ideas, etc." In order that history may bo kept straight, Tho Commoner ventures to suggest that the democratic party bdgan a fight for radi cal tariff reform in congress in 1892. Tho Mc Kinloy bill had aroused opposition to the prin ciple of protection, and tho democratic house passed several bills dealing with separate sched ules and providing for substantial reductions and recognizing tho principle of free raw ma terial. Mr. Bryan made his first congressional tariff speech in support of house roll 6007, which was a bill "to place wool on tho froti list and reduce tho duties on woolen goods." 'This speech was delivered on March 16, 1892, and was widely circulated. In this speech Mr. Bryan ; attacked tho principle of protection and advo cated a tariff for revenue only. It was after a democratic congress had gone on record in favor of free wool and several other measures recog nizing tho doctrine of freo raw material that tho victory of 1892 wfts wort. The platform adopted by the national convention in, 1892 was not written by Mr. Cleveland' dr li Is immediate friends; in fact, it was much niotfb radical than, tho platform which Mr. Cleveland favored. When tho ways and means committee ' sent a sub-committee to Mr. Whitney, thb chairman of tho dembcratlc natibnal committee, to ask whether further tariff legislation' was desired bofefe congress adjPnrned, Mr. ' Whitm3yv ex pressed dissatisfaction with, the radical position taken by the convention -and dedlared' that1 no more tariff legislation waY'desired "af'tha't 'time.' After tho election the more i radical of the tariff reform element urged a' special 'session of congress for the purpose of proceeding wltti tariff revision along the lines laid dbwn by; tho platforin'but "President Cleveland was toot will ing " to 'convene' coifgVess f 6r ' that purpose; ' al-x though ho dicf 6h.ll a special session later' 'for tho consideration of the unconditional repeal of tho Sherman law. While there Is no reason why Cleveland and anti-Cleveland democrats should fall out over tho tariff, question at this time, ,still t is not fair for the friends of Mr. Cleveland, to, accuse tariff reformers of taking up with Mr. Cleve- land's tariff ideas. Neither, ls.it far to denounce, the doctrine of free raw material as a .Clove-:, land doctrine. It liad t the support qt tho dem4 ocrats in congress before tho election of 1892, and the platform of 192 was.the outgrqwth, of the fight made in congress, and Mr.- Cleve-. land not only did not write the platform but even .disliked it. Tariff reform, howevork should stand or fall upon its merits. An idea is good not because .it is advocated by some .particular person, but because it has merit in itself. Tho advocates of tariff reform and the a'dvbcates- of free raw material as a means of securing tariff Teform do not have to rely upon tho name of any supporter- of the policy they can support their position by argument and are willing ' to let it1 rest upon Its merits. . ,. "PLAIN BlIiL" The Commoner. Plain Talk By a Newspaper? man on a "Free Press A Boston dispatch carried by, the Associated Press referring to President Taft's visit to Yale says; "He became plain 'Bill 'Taft' again' to many of his old classmates' and college com panions." ' - ' 'It vould be well if Mr. 'Taft Would "become plain "Bill" to the American people; ! getting nearer to them through- a ' more sympathetic ctyncerri for their interest arid fat the frdm Ald richism by reason of a proper4 appreciation of VM S 1 l '? TIMELY ' The Matoon, (IU,) Commercial, reproducing The Commoner editorial entitled. "Oh; to Sham Battle,' says: , , . '' N ' "In an editorial published under' the heading of 'On 4to Sham Battle' in last week's issue of The Commoner, William J, Bryan calls' the demo cratic party back to Its old time, principles, pf. 'tariff for revenue only.' It Is a' tfmely article; in these days when democracy.is represented in Washington prectionis;eiiato(rs,it.is By William Marion Reedy of St. Xoufs Mirror That Is what the newspaper is here for now adays tho money. It were folly to attempt to disguiso the fact. Teach tho boys to write! , Whoever sees an item In a newspaper well writ ten? Time was when journalism had kinship with literature. Now tho chief requisite in a reporter is legs. All he has to do is to get his misinformation as quickly as possible, shout it , over tho telephone to tho office, where it , is . misunderstood, and then the facts are set up in, a "box," topped with headlines and followed by loosely written slush. The prizes for journalism, are not for thoso who can think soundly or write well. The man who writes has no chanco to reach the real top most power in journalism. Ho can only become, an employe of some rich concern, writing notic ing that , ho believes but .what his employers , order him to think. What editor today controls., his paper? I can think of but one dear old, Henry Watterson, a relic from the golden age Where Is there an editor today liko Dana, Gree ley, Halstead, McCullough, Hyde, Joseph tMedill, Raymond a nian who makeshis paper's policy the expression of himself alone? .There isn't, ono unless it be .Joseph, Pulitzer. Ho is the only great, newspaper pwner who can write'. Except him, and possibly Mr Hearst, .there la' no newspaper owner who holds .general prin ciples, or, literary grace, or any .form, pf idealism, supreme. The owners of papers .aTe business men. They want dividends. They want the business, the commercial Ideal, upheld, at ,all hazards. They must get the money from tho men (that have it, they must cater to please tho men -who; run the community and. such, men are out for their own pockets, first, last and all' the i time. , All the rest is "leather!' -and prunella." The great Intellectual personality no Jongertdom-'. inates , the paper, The supreme; headship of a ' great newspaper is ,not tho man0 who may be turned out in the school of journalisnii but a moueyanaker The journalist properucan never, bfe. more 'than, a, "hired? man" iontai great, papery f So a school of journalism dqes not promise the. sort, of success that 'means, the -exercise of tho real power, of journalism. And yet I come with' a protest against the commercialization of jour nalism and with a plea for a return to Idealism. Everything in this country has been regulat ed, mor.e or less, except the daily press. The daily press has participated Tmore. or less, in the. regulatlop, but there are reasqns for believing that' ope of the greatest evils, in the United States is this same daily press Itself, and I have thought that this might be a good occasion to present some of my reasons why a great many people, including myself, .believe that daily journalism, in some of its most successful mani festations, is really a great menace to democracy.' ...All, of us admit all the good that may 'be claimedi if or , the pres& and for publicity and' the Lord knows tho press can Vtoot its own, horn" with all sufficient plangency but no per son capable of observation, or of thought, can nowadays cling to the superstition that the great daily, press is free, or xipdeperident, or in any sense an organ of public opinion. ' ' I may state what is well knpwn to you all, that it is impossible, nowadays, tp found, apesT paper unless a jnan be a millionaire, or through a combination of capitalists Jn, any large cityi1; is, impossible to escape, including ,in the number, men. who have chiefly ; ac'qufred their ,wejalth through investments in corporations based upon public franchises of one sort or another, ,and this, being the case, we know it is only human, nature, that such .men will Jnsj&t upon? the, con-. ducing( p.f the. newppapei in. a, way ito .insure the, protection of th,elr ojrjh interests- t , . . In tle cas,e, of newspapers funded by men of small .meansjn- the past, ap4; npw attained, unto, greatness, we -must remember that- the .founded . in each instance has invested- his money ' In ex actly those .enterprises which , look? , fpr thefr success te the exploitation of epuljlic-. Thus, his interests become ,thq special, in(terests a'nd whether he will pr no,fin conducting his news paper,, he will have synypathy with all private interests sjmjlar to his pw.n, Take the case of. the New York Worjd,, and, Mr.,, Pulitzer, Mr, Pulitzer has reached "his, present s,t.ate rom. humble beginnings. lie hap. pan ducted' a great' newspaper, generally speaking, along free and Independent 'lines, andyet, when-ia,,-c,erta,in. ppp ular candidate for president, rentes :t6tihe-stric W$ an'att .lX: ?i World, ith VOLUME 9, NUMBER 30 an inquiry concerning the railroad and other investments of Mr. Pulitzer, there Is none of us that fails to realize the perfect appositeness of the retort. It is for this reason that we find so many of our great newspapers tearing the air with their shrieks and pawing up the earth about minor evils, but remaining silent when fundamental wrongs are brought under fire. We find these newspapers very strong on the idea that we Bhall have good men, but ever ready to attack the good man when he comes out in support of an idea, the tendency or p'urpose of which is to exact from the holders of privilege a share of the gains from those privileges that belong by right to the community which, by its growth and activity, has made those privileges -valuable. There are many great newspapers pretending tp be 'friends of the people, but where Is there one tha,t does.npt at the first fajnt symptom of attack, upon the, source of corrupt wealth, with wb.Icn its proprietor is ,in sympathy, immediately fall back upon tne so-called constitutional guar antees of property, and?ctieck progressive democ racy w4ith the cry.pl conservatism? Tp one en the inside of daily journalism it is laughable to observe Jiow, with the decline of interest in the editorial, the daily newspaper, in. order to accomplish its purpose of swaying the public, has had recourse to doctoring the news. There is not a great, powerful interest in the United States that Is mot, at the present time, maintaining a press bureau, the sPle purpose of whjch is to get into the news columns of the papers, articles so framed as to constitute- effec tive arguments against, all' proposed Interference with suph interests. , We Jhave long been fa miliar with the action o? the book publishers in furnishing to newspapers printed reviews of new books, We have all seen, the excellent ivork of the theatrical press-agent in generating an inter est in the. show or, the star which he represents. But it, is not so generally known, I imagine, that all of the public service , corporations of the country are cemented.in one organization, which cojfductsa press .bureau, andso has nearly every other .big interest in the country. .Every sgreat railroad hasjitsbureau to accom plish the.isame general ipurpese Pf giving the public. the -'.'depe" 'that "is toiithe best interests t of; tiieorppratjon),, During-'the i insurance in-;. vestigatlon... in. r.&ew, York At . was shown hpw the prqss .was '.worked by agents on. big salaries, to boost the business a'nd increase the graft of. the-men .at the head of the enterprise, Who were taking th,e cream off .the top ofi the milk sup plied by the general public; and even while the inyestigation was still in progress there were ipstances in which tbere appeared in the , col umns qf, the dailies dexterously worded articles, the purport of whicb. was ,to take the edge off thp facts uncovered in, the examinations by Mr., Hugbes, now governpr of New York. Thee were clear cases in which paid notices at one dollar pgr line were run in the newspapers as parto the record iu the investigation, and dur-, ing the whole sensational period of the inquiry the, greatest St. Louis, paper, in point of wealth and power, never at any time gave the facts more ,tha'u a column ,of .snatie, , Furthermore, when we ..look at the great news papers,' ', we observe another laughable feature, in ..the manner in whlph they work upon the general public, the most elaborate confidence ganib ,npwn in the history of America. We read,ln( the editorial columns here and th.ere, the most violent denunciation and scathing de rision, 6t the wealthy and fashionable, but we turn W the news column's 'aiQd find this same newspaper catering slavishly; n gorgeous de scription and striking illustration, to all the basest yani of the wealthy and to the cur fota'ity of the poor. We are tqld what the, mil lionaire , 'eats lor breakfast, .dinner and. supper, a$d ,wh'6tiier he prefers, night-shirts jor pajamas, ' We see, ..Illustrated .tfe lingerie and the stpek fngs,,'pf 'the golden brides of foreign noble ad venturers,' and we .are "treated; to such a siqken ingj Celebration of. wealth, as js not to be fpun ih'n'y pth&r countryon. the glpbe. To tb?e ps who, are, as, we say, , In the knew" this Is a deliberate policy. 4Tjtie, great newspapers play to trie masses 'for (lijrpulatiqri, and then turn arpund a.nd co'ddle. the, clashes for advertising. The most violently socialistic and anarchistic editorials are found in the papers that cater mpst to the glorification qt the pleasures and posses sions, of he extremely wealthy; but, let there impend in the cpm'iquhlty In which any pf tbese sensational papers is,, printed,, any proposal for th e., regulation. oV; the, destruction of .the system w'bich prpduces, pur racist offensive, wealth and we,, npd.'the anarchi$iq.,page. 'grqwnsuddenly , am. M- m.. .in.- tx,. o a m Mt,'MffHUiSiiijfate.,w . jr