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The Commoner.
VOLUME 9, NUMBER 33
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The Commoner.
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of protecting property, protecting gathered and
accumulated wealth, of enabling men to make
fortunes and to preserve their fortunes and
there is no possible argument founded in law
or in morals why these protected interests should
not bear their proportionate burden of govern
ment. No man in his right mind would make an as
sault upon wealth as such or upon property
as such or upon the honest acquisition of prop
erty we simply call upon those who have the
good fortune to have accumulated wealth to
respond to the expenses of the great government
under which they live and thrive.
ORGANIZE AT ONCE
In an editorial entitled "Organize at Once"
and printed in his paper, Senator LaFolletto
says:
Tho income tax may not be worthy of the
slightest respect as a measure of legislation.
The fact that it is a recognized means of raising
revenue in the most civilized nations of the
world may not mean anything. The fact that
Roosevelt was for it, that Taft was for it, until
ho changed his mind that the supreme court
was for it for one hundred years, until one of
the judges changed his mind over night all
these things indicating a concensus of opinion
of the enlightened statesmanship of all the world
in its favor may signify nothing.
But it is respectfully submitted that a great
majority of tho good people of this country be
lieve it sound and just in principle. Presidents
have urged its use as a means of reducing
swollen fortunes. Political , parties have de
clared for it with honest' enthusiasm. The
highest economic authorities in an unbroken
line for forty years have advocated an income
tax to ease the burdens of labor, by placing some
additional weight on the shoulders of capital.
A thing so precious to so many good people
should have been given a fair chance for its
lif0a fair fight in tho open forum upon tho
single issue. When the senate voted to send
tho constitutional amendment to the state legis
latures instead of to state conventions, it gave
the enemies of income taxation long odds. It
would be hard enough to carry,, against the op
position of organized wealth, all but twelve state
conventions with a' membership chosen and in
structed upon this single issue.
It is only necessary for Tie opposition to carry
twelve state legislatures to defeat it. The candi
dates for the legislatures will bo selected with
respect to a multitude of issues highways and
bridges and tho regulation of electric and steam
railways and insurance companies, not to men
tion the struggle between prohibition and the
regulation of the liquor traffic any one of
which issues may be used to obscure or side
track consideration of the constitutional amend
ment to tax incomes.
Besides, there are United States senators to
elect in thirty states. It sometimes occurs that
all else is lost sight of in the nomination and
election of the legislature where United States
senators are to be elected.
Is it to be expected tlfat the legislature which
is to be chosen in Rhode Island by the Aldrich
machine, will be very enthusiastically for a con
stitutional amendment to tax incomes? , How
about gome of the other states? Burrows, Car
ter, Clark of Wyoming, Depew, Dick, Dupont,
Hale, Kean, Lodge, Nixon, Oliver, Page, Piles,
Scott, all come up for re-election in 1911. They
voted against the income tax. Unless their re
spective states elect legislatures opposed to these
men, there may be counted against it on this
basis .alone the states of Rhode Island, Michigan,
Montana, Wyoming, New York, Ohio, Delaware,
Maine, New Jersey, Massachusetts, Nevada, Penn
sylvania, Vermont, Washington, and West
Virginia.
The position taken by the administration and
endorsed by the senate assumes that it is neces
sary to amend the constitution before a tax can
be laid on incomes. If tho amendment is de
feated the non-government-supporting millions
escape taxation for all time. However hard the
fight to carry thci legislatures of three-fourths of
the states, it must be won. The very existence
of government itself might in some dark and
unforeseen hour depend upon the right of tho
government to subject every dollar of the coun
try's wealth to taxation.
It Is a struggle to lay the foundation upon
which we shall finally rear a more equitable
system of taxation. Much of the vast wealth
which privilege has taken from the toil of the
many, for the benefit of the few, can be forced
to render to the government that which it owes
to- the government, in no other way.
It will be a great battle. Tho patriotism of
the country will contest openly for this amend
ment; the powerful opposition under cover.
Congress having acted upon the amendment its
friends should organize promptly in every state
to secure ratification. Appeal to the public
arouse every taxpayer. It is the people's opportunity.
INCOME TAX EXCUSES
In the recent debate in the Georgia senate
much was made of "saving to the states the
right of levying an income tax Instead of sur
rendering it to the general government." The
states have got along pretty well so far without
exercising the right and they are not asked to
"surrender" it.
The income tax,, we are told, "strikes every
farmer." It will not strike every farmer unless
some future congress so levies it as to strike
every farmer; and no congress will be so idiotic.
The high tariff does strike every farmer hard.
It is a "tax on thrift," objectors say. Often
it is. Most taxes are. But sometimes also it
will rest on the luck of idle heirs, or on preda
tory hoards, or on personal property that now
escapes, or on American dollars that gild frayed
titles abroad and there pay income tax! In
every case it is a tax not on need but on means,
not on consumption but on possession. It taxes
wealth, not poverty.
"We should not help along a republican
scheme of taxation," is said with ill grace by
nominal democrats in some southern states
whose members in congress served as catspaws
in framing a republican scheme of tariff
spoliation.
Here is tho text of the amendment:
"The congress shall have the power to levy
and collect taxes on incomes, from whatever
source derived, without apportionment among
the states and without regard to any census
enumeration."
That is just what the democratic national con
vention of 1908 favored in its platform, in terms
the most positive and unmistakable.
. The real reasons for opposing the income tax
are never mentioned by its foes. They are but
two. One is that wealthy people do not wish
to pay it. The other is that protected privilege
fears income taxation may by providing revenue,
remove one poor excuse for the high tariffs that
now throttle trade and load consumers.
Wealth and privilege wield vast power with
legislatures, but the people have more if they
will use it. New York World.
CONGRESS COULD, BUT WOULD NOT
A correspondent of the Tribune asks it to
tell its readers that if the income tax amend
ment were ratified a simple majority in con
gress could "pass a law that would tax every
laborer, mechanic, and servant girl to the ex
tent of one-tenth or one-quarter of his or her
wages." Unquestionably a bare majority, with
the approval of the president, could do that,
but would it be done? The Tribune says no.
If the correspondent wishes a reason, there is
an all sufficient one. Congress would not dare
to tax the earnings of laborers and mechanics.
Parliament could make British laborers and
mechanics pay an income tax. It does not,
partly because their votes would upset any ad
ministration that attempted it.
Tho correspondent has forgotten, perhaps,
that an income tax law was in force during
the civil war. The government was in desper
ate need of money. It taxed right and left. Yet
it exempted laborers, mechanics, and servant
girls from the income tax. It is a foolish as
sumption that congress would do in peace what
it did not do in war. There are economic rea
sons why the small incomes of wage earners
should not be taxed. The compelling reason
would be that congressmen would know that
a majority of their constituents would not put
up with it.
The Illinois legislature can tax to the limit.
It could, if it' deemed it necessary, levy taxes
that would confiscate one-tenth or one-quarter
of the property in the state. It does nothing of
the kind because there would be a revolt of.
the taxpayers if it did. 3o there is no occasion
for restricting what the correspondent may re
gard as the dangerous authority to levy taxes
which the people have given to the legislature.
The national constitution empowers congress
to declare war. Manifestly that is a' dangerous
power. A simple majority in congress could
declare war against the world and then draft
all the able-bodied laborers and mechanics into
the army, but it would not. If every grant of
power which could be abused if the people per
mitted it were stricken out of state and na
tional constitutions, there would not be much
left to them. Chicago Tribune.
ALABAMA THE FJBST
Governor Comer of Alabama has signed the
income tax resolution which passed the Alabama
legislature with only two votes against it in the
lower house, and by a unanimous vote in the
senate. This gives Alabama the honor of being
the first state in line for this great reform.
A SUGGESTION FOR MB. TAFT
The Philadelphia North American, a repub
lican paper, prints this suggestion for Mr. Taft:)
"Would it not be a good 'stunt' for Taft to
pay the expenses of his trip around the circuit
to tell the dear people what a good thing it is
to be buncoed by the Taft-Cannon-Aldrich tariff
iniquity just completed? He is fond of every
body confining himself to some particular
'stunt.' This would, at least, ease up on the
people a little. Those increased salaries, travel
ing expenses and automobiles for our 'beloved'
king and emperor surely appeal to the thou
sands of idle persons in central Pennsylvania.
Looks as though panics can be caused by other
than the democrats, don't it? But then when
Emperor Taft meets "Czar Diaz" somewhere
along the Mexican border we presume there will
be more notes exchanged and experiences gone
into to uetermine how much of oppression and
deception the American people will stand from
their sworn executives and lagislators.
"JOHN G. SMITH.
"South Fork, Pa., August 7."
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