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The Commoner,
VOLUME 9, NUMBER 29
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chamber ropresont tho republican
party, and not individual senators,
whatever may bo their standing or
whatovor may have been their sor
vico to tho party.
"Mr. President, tho bill which will
bo voted upon in this senate in a
few moments is a revision, which
carries out to its letter every pledge
of tho republican patty. If senators
shall see fit to vote against it on ac
count of their individual views, that
is a matter for them to determine,
but I suggest to thoso senators that
they can not attempt to speak for
tho party without a protest from the
men who reprosont states hero, as
I have said before, that have elect
ed, and can and will elect republi
can presidents, whatever may bo tho
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Address TUB COMMONER
Lincoln, Nebraska
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J
attitude of Individuals, either in this
body or elsewhere."
If Aldrich were the republican
party, as In truth ho seems to think
ho has becomo since MaTch 4, there
would be no place for those progres
sive sonators in tho republican party.
But there will be a day at tho polls,
sooner or later, when the millions
of republicans who elected Taft pres
ident in order to stamp out Cannon
ism and Aldrichism, will define re
publicanism. And the shepherd and
his sheep will have reason on that
day to remember these words of
Beveridgo, of Indiana, that provoked
the tirade from the senate boss:
"Any promise, Mr. President, is a
serious thing, and never should be
made except to be kept; but a prom
ise to a people is sacred. It has
been the pride and tne glory or me
republican party that it keeps its
promises; and its promise always has
been the people's settled and mature
demand."
Had the Aldrich organization been
strong enough to force all the sen
ators of the party into support of
the only tariff measure ever written
that is worse than even the Gorman
Quay iniquity, we Bincerely believe
it would have been the beginning of
the end of the republican party.
Disintegration would have been
slow because the democrats have
proved themselves Impotent and un
worthy of confidence. But some
where, somehow, honest men would
have found leadership and a course
to follow.
Thanks to these ten true men,
however, real republicanism retains
a habitation and a hope. They have
kept the faith for us of the east,
misrepresented, as well as for their
own west. For they have preserved
enough of the party honor and prin
ciple to form a nucleus around which
the party still can gather.
We see the leaven working already
in the house. There is to be an elec
tion in 1910. And the meaning of
that stand of the ten senators and
the greeting of It by the country will
not be lost.
We fear that there Is small hope
for a veto of whatever hybrid mon
strosity comes from the packed con
ference committees.
Aldrich will pretend to yield to
the house with respect to a consid
able per cent of the senate amend
ments. Some of the duties were
placed unnecessarily high in the sen
ate in order that they might be re
duced, establishing a trading basis.
Rates Aldrich does not expect to
maintain were placed at a high level,
in order that their lowering might
appear to be a concession that would
enable the Cannon crowd to assert
that the promise to Taft has been
kept.
The law will be a cheat at the
last as It has been from the first
and the burden will be laid upon the
consumer and the wage-earner to
pay more toll to special privilege.
But under this form of govern
ment the past has proved that often
the greatest agency to bring about
justice is rank- injustice. This law
we believe will cause the plundering
of the people by the trusts to be on
such a mighty scale that it will bring
the people to their senses. The day
of reckoning may be at hand or a
little way ahead. But we think
nothing in this world more sure than
that it is not remote.
Address, THE COMMONER, Lincoln, Nebraska.
M
MR. BRYAN'S POLICIES
You can not blame the esteemed
New York Times for feeling a bit
discouraged. It has been fighting
Mr. Bryan and his ideas, tooth and
toenail, for these many years. And
the harder it fights, the oftener
Bryan loses, tho more triumphant do
his ideas prove! He has not had
the pleasure of fighting for them in
official position. But he has had the
rare satisfaction of forcing them up
on his successful opponents; of see
ing thoso who have lampooned and
berated his policies take them up,
ono after tho other, driven by tho
stern logic of events.
It Is this that leads the Times to
comment dolefully on Mr. Bryan's
suggestion that Mr. Taft and the
congress give the people a chance to
vote on the direct election of sena
tors at the same time they are vot
ing on the income tax. "Why not?"
asks the Times, and It goes on to
say:
"That seems to be the fate of Mr.
Bryan's principles the republicans
take them for their own. He once
said that, although the people had
not burdened him with the cares of
office, his life was not without its
anxieties. He could not leave his
principles out over night without
losing some of them, and the missing
ones he generally found at the White
House. So, in succession, have gone
his 'issues' of railroad regulation, of
the federal license for corporations,
of a reduction of import duties, of
postal savings banks, of limiting the
power to issue injunctions, and now
his tax 'on individual and corporate
incomes' has been snatched from him
by a' republican president and a re
publican congress.
"Not one of these is of republican
origination. Not one is rooted in
old-fashioned republican belief. They
are all alien to the policies and the
professions of the republican party
from Lincoln to McKInley. Had they
not been exploited and made widely
popular by Mr. Bryan not one of
them would have been appropriated
by the republicans."
The Times goes on lugubriously to
suggest that Mr. Bryan still has a
few policies left, among them "16
to 1," the guaranty of bank deposits
and the independence of the Philip
pines. Shall the republicans take
these also? If we might venture to
answer, the probabilities are strong
that Philippine independence and
guaranteed deposits will either have
to be taken up by the republican
party, or that party will lose power.
And sooner than do that it will
adopt these, too, and Mr. Bryan's
vindication will be complete the
most remarkable in the history of
American politics.
But when all of Mr. Bryan's poli
cies have been appropriated by the
republicans what then? The Times'
answer is worth pondering over. It
says:
"Would that leave Mr. Bryan with
out an issue, stripped bare of prin
ciples, without a platform to stand
on, without consideration, finished,
done for? Hardly. It would make
him a very safe and acceptable can
didate for men of all parties who are,
or soon will be, disgusted with the
republican party because of the
shameless breaking of its pledge to
reduce the tariff duties. The argu
ment that Bryan Is 'ambitious, un
steady, unsafe,' would fall flat, since
the adoption by the republicans of
such an array of his principles and
policies would furnish convincing
proof that he Is as safe as any mem
ber of that party, as safe as Mr.
Taft, far safer than Mr. Roosevelt.
He was a bit ahead of the times,
that Is all, and he was unlucky. His
enemies have profited by his inven
tions. But certainly they have done
their utmost to prepare the way for
Mr. Bryan to come Into his own
whenever they lose the confidence of
the people." Omaha World-Herald.
NOT PARTICULARIiY LUCKY
The man who doesn't care enough
for his wife to think it necessary to
have an excuse when he stays out
late at night may be envied by his
friends, but he is really to be pitied.
Chicago Record-Herald.