i'w srv- -ryB,' (ftt-ntflpr- ?, -m-i" m jr -? 5W U? - The Commoner. JULY 23, 190S ".vn-wiw irpyiyifyvi " rT"i'"'' ""; v ed to harm it Instead of to help It It will recall tho fact to the minds of republicans that this Issue has never received tho indorsement of any repub lican national convention. The republicans, as a war measure, passed an income tax in 1861, but at that time tho government was fighting for Its life, and it reached out for all the cash that was In sight. Soon after tho war, when tho heavy drain on the government ceased, tho tax was abol ished. It was tho most unsatisfactory impost which was ever lovlcd. The cost of collection was heavy, and tho number of votes which it drew away from the republican party was largo. Re publicans who remember that act when it was in operation, or those who have read about tho con fusion which it caused, will bo likely to voto against any tax of this sort in tho future. As a Greek bearing gifts, Mr. Bryan's championship of tho Income tax will arouse republican distrust. It has been tho good fortune of the republican voters of tho country to have fought Bryan and Bryanism through three national campaigns, and neither tho ono nor the other lias changed suffi ciently In tho past twelvo months to alter tho re publican attitude. It will bo remembered that Im mediately after tho election of 1896 Mr. Bryan declared that his trail through tho campaign was marked by increased republican majorities. If, as now seems to be probable, ho takes tho stump In favor of tho income tax amendment, that propo sition will loso tho votes of many republicans who otherwise might be inclined to accept tho tax as a necessary evil. St. Louis GIobo-Dcmocrat. "EVERYBODY WORKS' POOR FATHER" Washington, June 30. (Special Dispatch "to Lincoln, Neb., News) How do tho tariff sched ules, as adopted by tho senate, hit father? A careful analysis of the bill in its present stage of development shows that the man of family is entitled to a" considerable grouch, granting of course, that the increase made In the duties of some of the necessaries of life, as well as on minor luxuries, mean a corre sponding raise in retail prices -which Is usu ally the way a tariff bill works. The very first thing in the morning, supposing pa is fond of bologna sausage for breakfast, he may well wrinkle his brow, for the tariff on that article of food has been raised beyond expression In figures of percentage. In the Dlngley law and the Payne bill, the succulent bologna was on the free list; tho tariff rate was no percentage at all. The senate made the rate 25 per cent ad valorem. Should pa lead off in his breakfast bill of tare with a few juicy slices of pineapple, bologna would bo the second jolt to his nervous system. Payne raised the Dlngley rate on pineapples, the senate finance committee raised it some and the senate shot it up again, the net result being 128 per cent over the Dlngley duty. When he comes to his German fried potatoes he will get a third shock, for the senate aero-, planed the price of potatoes from 2.5 to 45 cents a bushel an elevation of 80 per cent. Buckwheat cakes will be a fourth reminder of the senate's penchant for boosting rates. The tariff on buckwheat was raised over Dlngley and Payne rates 25 per cent. Unless the milliners are philanthropic enough to bear the tax, father will find that he will have to pay more for his wife's and daughter's trimmings next fall. If it is true, as has been alleged in the senate, that retail profits are higher than the present temperature in Wash ington, maybe the milliners will deduct the In creases made in the bill, but father hardly ex pects that. The duty on ostrich feathers and on artificial fruits, leaves and other exhibits from the farm, field and forest that adorn the headgear of the feminine, has been increased 20 per cent. His monthly bill for the children's clothes will also be higher. In the matter of cotton cloth the house adopted the Dlngley rates, but the senate bill raised the rate on common, un bleached cotton 125 per cent; on the bleached 400 and on the colored or printed goods, 50 per cent. The finer grades show Increases of 10 to 50 per cent, and some are unchanged. Knit goods remain about the same, the aver age rate exceeding 100 per cent. The Payne bill raised the Dlngley duty on woman's cotton stockings from 20 to 30 cents a dozen, but the Aldrich bill restored the Dlngley rate. Pa may find some consolation, also-, in the fact that ladles' and children's gloves, on which Payne raised the Dingley rates from 100 to' 300 per cent on the ground that the protection would transfer the industry to this country, have been returned to the old rates in the Aldrich bill. He can not help wondering, however, what the conference committee will do to this schedule as well as to that relating to shoes, on which the senate placed a duty of 20 per cent ad va lorem as compared to 15 per cent In the Payne bill and 25 per cent in the Dingley law. Tf ho has any occasion to buy silk plush out fits, ho will be .confronted with the fact that Aldrich raised the Dingley rate of 75 per cent to 105 per cent. He will learn that there is an lncreaso of 15 per cent each on silk, velvet and ribbons. Many other varieties of silk fabrics have been increased from 10 to 13 per cent. Lingerie will also give father some palpita tions of tho heart, for Aldrich succeeded in rais ing tho tariff on laces and embroideries from tho present rate of 60 per cent, tho highest that had ever been imposed, to a rate varying from 70 to 150 per cent. This falls particularly upon the very cheapest laces, those that In tho Europe market sell at less than two cents per dozen yards. It should bo noted, moreover, that tho increased duties are not confined to laces proper, but are Imposed equally upon all articles of which laces form evon tho most Insignificant part. When father pays his grocery bill ho will find that there havo been increases over tho Dlngley rates on lemons of 50 per cent; celery 51 per cent; jellies 28 per cent, and grapes 25 per cent. The same old rates, however, prevail on such imported food supplies as meats, eggs, bread stuffs, dairy products, fish and berries. There havo been also tho following Increases on farm products: Corn, 33 per cent; oats, 32 per cent; wheat, 20 per cent, and rye, 100 per cent. It may afford satisfaction to father to learn that imported "hand-me-down" suits are not increased in the Aldrich bill over the 50 per cent ad valorem rato of tho Dlngley bill. ' It will depend largely upon the corpulence of father's pocketbook whether or not he will have any reason to growl over the fact that a duty of 35 per cent has been put upon foreign made yachts, whereas, they used to come in free. But after the bills for tho month have been received, and father compares them with his balance in bank, perhaps he may find relief in turning to paragraphs 14 and 78. Ho may take his choice as between chloroform and strych nine, as each has been reduced to 50 per cent. THE TARIFF BEFORE CONGRESS Tho two houses remained practically idle while the conference committee deliberated. An Associated Press dispatch under date of July 16 says: "Twenty-four hours would soo the end of tho work of the senate and house conferees on tho tariff bill, and a substantial agreement on tho questions at Issue, but for the five propositions Iron ore, coal, hides, oil and lumber upon which the president stands firm for radical re ductions or even abolition of the tariff. This is the way the conferees describe the situation, and upon capital hill they aro facetiously calling these propositions 'the national Issues.' " On July 16th, twenty-three republican mem bers of congress called upon President Taft and sought to impress upon him the importance of having a tariff on raw material. Referring to this meeting, the Associated Press says: The spokesmen of the visitors were Repre sentative Young of Michigan, who dwelt on the necessity of placing a high duty on iron ore; Mondell of Wyoming, who is particularly inter ested in coal; Gaines of West Virginia, speaking for coal and iron; Langley of Kentucky, for coal and lumber; Cowles of North Carolina, for lumber and Austin of Tennessee, for coal, iron and lumber, and Hayes of California. Mr. Langley put the matter squarely up to the president as a question of political expe diency. "We come from democratic states, some of us," said Mr. Langley, "but we were elected as republicans who believe in the protection of the raw materials. If we fall to protect our constituents we will bo 'revised downward' into private life." President Taft remarked dryly that he was as much interested in republican success as any one could be. Tho President's Statement Later in the day the following official state ment was made at the White House: "Mr. Young of Michigan opposed free ore; Mr. Mondell opposed free coal or reciprocity with Canada and free hides; each on the ground that the 'policy would injure the interests in his state, and a discussion was participated in by other representatives who urged that the doc trine of free raw materials was not a republican doctrine. The president nplled that he was not committed to the principle of free raw material, but that he was committed to the prin ciple of -a downward revision of the tariff which he had promised, and that he was obliged to look at the matter not from the standpoint of any particular district, bnt from tho standpoint of tho wholo country, and also from tho stand point of responsibility for tho ontiro republican party. Ho said tho question in each caso was a question of fact, to bo determined by ovldonco, as to whothor tho prcsont duty was needed for protection, or whether tho rato was oxcessivo so that a downward rovlsion, or putting tho ar ticle on tho freo list, would not injure tho in dustry. Ho repeated tho platform of tho republican party, and he said ho understood it meant a downward rovlsion In many instances, though porhaps in somo few cases an lncreaso might be needed; that ho reached this construction of tho platform on what he understood to bo the princlplo of protection and its justification, namely that after an industry was protected by a duty equal to tho difforonco botweon tho cost of production abroad, and tho cost of production in this country, including a fair profit to tho manufacturer, tho effectiveness of American labor, and tho ingenuity of American invontora undor tho impulso of competition behind tho tariff wall, would rcduco tho cost of production, and that, with tho reduction and tho cost of production, the tariff rato would becomo un necessarily high, and ought to bo reduced. This was the normal operation of tho tariff, as claimed by tho dofendcrs of tho protectlvo system not in every case, but as a general rulo that of course a revision of tho tariff would not bo perfect, must have defects and Inconsisten cies, but insofar as his influence wont, when called upon to act, in connection with legisla tion, it would bo thrown in tho direction of performing tho promises of tho party as ho understood them; and that if iron oro and oil and coal and hides did not need protection and the conditions were such as to enablo the oro producers and tho oil producers and tho ,coal producers and tho producors of hides to com peto successfully without reduction of wages, with tho producers from abroad then they did not need a duty and their articles should go on tho free list. It was a question of fact which ho hoped to make up his mind with respect to, on suc,h evi dence as was available to him in order to carry out what he understood to bo tho promises of the party to the wholo people. He said he felt that his position aB tho titular head of the re publican party and as president, gavo him a somewhat broader point of viow than that of" a single member of congress In respect to ar ticles produced in" his district. Ho felt strongly tho call of tho country for a downward revision within the limitations of tho protective princi ple and ho hoped to be able to respond to that call as he heard it, as well in the interests of thq party as of tho country. WILL THE VOTERS FORGET7 Tho following dispatch was printed in the St. Louis Republic: Chicago, 111., July 1. "More democratic votes, more democratic sentiment is being cre ated by Senator Aldrich today than William Jen nings Bryan ever created in his wholo life," said Harry Selz, second vice president of Selz, Schwab & Co., wholesale shoe dealers, today In discussing the tariff on heavy hides as pro posed In the Aldrich bill. "But what havo the people to expect from democracy when ten of Its principal representatives in the United States senate voted with the high protectionist republi cans, as they did for a duty on hides? "When I protested before tho senatorial com mittee In Washington that they were making democratic Votes and sentiment they laughed at me. " 'Oh, the voters will forget all about it by the congressional election a year from next fall,' they replied. "Well, wait and see, but I'll bet they won't." Mr. Selz was commenting upon tho prospects for an increase in the price of shoes and the protest of the shoe manufacturers, who met at the Union League Club on Wednesday. "It is the trust methods to which I object," he declared. "I don't care if the packers do go into the leather business they are fast getting a monopoly of tho tanneries as it is nor do I care If they go into the shoe business, if they don't have special legislation to help them drive the independent manufacturer out of the business." WELL! WELL! WELL! So the republican senate has endorsed the In come tax amendment! Well, have a smile wiUi us. Mi u ' ' I n 1 .iiriuki. . -d-