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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 22, 1909)
rv-ffvr TfT "fjr" iM'nnnumwiiwfr Ft.-i .1 VOLUMB 9, NUMBER 2 : 'A i - ttm-' I K. ic r .AI upon them by tho combination of the most ro sponsiblo bankors of Now York who tiro now tlniB engaged in endeavoring to flavo the situa tion, but tlioy asserted they did not wish to do this if I stated that it ought not to bo done, I answered that while, of course, I could not ad vlso thorn to take the action proposed, I felt it no public duty of mine to interpose an ob jection. Sincerely yours, "THEODORE ROOSEVELT, "Hon. Charles J. Donaparto, "Attorney General." Tho president is informed that "a certain business firm" (tho name is withhold from tho president) will fail within a week if help is not given. This business firm (unnamed) holds , a majority of tho securities of tho Tennessee Coal and Iron company. Application has been "urgontly mado" to tho steel trust to purchaso this controlling lntorest In tho rival company "as tho only means of avoiding a failure." Tho steel trust magnates assure tho president that "as a' moro business transaction" they did not care to purchaso tho stock, that under ordi nary circumstances they would not consider the purchaso (perish tho thought!) and that little bonoflt would come to tho steel trust from tho purchaso. Thoy explain to him that tho pur chaso would bo mado an excuso for attacking thorn on tho ground that thoy wore endeavoring to sccuro a monopoly and to prevent competi tion; of course this could not bo honestly said, thoy affirm, but it might bo "recklessly and un truthfully said." Thoy toll tho president that it hns boon thoir policy not to acquire moro than sixty per cent of tho stool properties (the reader will romombor how shocked tho republican lead ers woro at tho democratic plan of limiting a cor poration to fifty .per cont). Thoy wore a little below sixty per cent Just then, however, and woro willing to ralso thoir proportion a .little because thoy folt it "immensely to their interest" to try' and prevent a panic and,a general Indus trlal 'Bmashup. Thoy had been advised by Hhpse bcafflttea to express judgment, fa Now Yorlc" (names not glvon) that tho purchase of tho rival would bo an important factor in preventing a break, etc., and that the purchase had been urged upon them "by the combination of the most responsible bankers of Now York." Tho president bolievod them and tho president gave thorn assurance that they would not bo dis turbed. What precedent lids thp president for advising in advance in regard to combinations, and thus tying himself up? The president made no investigation, so far as his letter shows, he simply took tho word of two trust magnates as to what would bo the result of tho combine; ho took their word as to their own intentions and us to pressure brought to bear upon them by unnamed persons, and substantially agreed that they would not bo disturbed. Ho has a bureau for the investigation of corporations, thoro Is no letter from It; he has an attornoy gonoral whoso business it is to report upon the law, but Instead of asking advice from the attor noy general, ho told him what to do Tho at tornoy general aftorwards advised him orally that insufllcient ground existed for legal pro ceedings. We have a few trusts so large that thoy can, if necessary, threaten a panic they can evon bring a panic and if by threatening a panic they can provont an enforcement of the law and coorco a president into acquiescence in their efforts to further control the business in which they are engaged, what remains to com plete tho subserviency of the government to cor porate influence? Senator Culberson deserves credit for his nart .in producing this letter. It will stand upon tho record as an evidence of tho Influence which tho great monopolistic combines are able to exert. If they can scare a president, holding his commission from eighty millions of people, is it not time for legislation that will put a limit to the groed of monopolies? Tho message which the president sent after this letter is important, because it sots forth his views of tho executive office. He denies the right of the legislature to inquire why the law was not enforced. Ho asserts in substance that the responsibility for tho enforcement of the law rests upon the executive, and that no inquiry can properly bo made as to his reasons for not enforcing tho law, if for any reason he decides to consider the law a dead letter. In his mes sage to congress on the secret service he felt free to guess at the reasons which influenced congressmen to vote against an appropriation and following that precedent, tho senators i mav feel free to guess at the reasons whlch ed the MS La?2 J1 f "?7. "1 to Pro'nis -'- mm. me mw wouiu not be enforced The Commoner against the steel trust, or to interpret the law in advance as it applied to tho steel trust. The executive is charged with the enforce ment of the law, and congress has, under the constitution, tho power of impeachment if the president fails to discharge his duties. Cer tainly a bpdy which has the power to remove the president has tho power to inquire into his inaction. The greater includes the less, and it would be a strange interpretation of constitu tional law if a body which could depose the executive could not make inquiry into his acts. f w w' w HOW LANDIS BUILT A "FIRE" Judge Kenesaw M. Landis, the man who im posed the twenty-nine million dollar fine against the Standard Oil company, recently gave an accused man the minimum sentence of sixty days in tho house of correction. That, however, is not the interesting part of tho story which is involved in subsequent proceedings. From tho Chicago Record-Herald report the following is taken: Tho prisoner turned away from the bench to the deputy marshal waiting to take him to jail. He turned his coat collar up around his throat. "Aronson," exclaimed the court sharply, "where's your overcoat?" "Your honor," said the "white slaver," "I ain't got none. That was one of the first things I soaked when I come to Chicago." "Bailiff," said the judge, "get mine and give it to him. Now, gentlemen," ho added, turning to the lawyers, "we'll proceed with the next case." An hour later Judge Landis' thin figure was breasting the breeze that tore down -Dearborn street. "Hi, there, judge," shouted a friend, "where's your overcoat?" "I. used it to light a Are." "Used it to light u.fire?" Y.es,M said Judge' Landis, "I used if 'to 'light a fire to keep "warm 'inside of -me 'the spirit of charity that life in if great "city like Chicago' tends tov freeze." ' h And' his friend -was still gazing' at him in astonishment when he jumped on his' car. Would that in every Section- of our country and in every corner of the worlds-there were more such fires a3 Judge Landis lighted when he gave his raiment to the poor.' A simple act, indeed, on the part of this federal judge, but it is of tho kind that makes the heart beat faster. w O O w THE GNAT AND THE CAMEL Tho president's attack on Senator Tillman forcibly recalls the graphic language employed by tho Nazarene, recorded in Matthew 23?24: "Ye blind guides which strain at a gnat and swal low a camel," and this little verse is wedged in between two verses, both of which begin "Woe unto you scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites." Of what is Senator Tillman guilty? The presi dent charges that Mr. Tillman denied that he had "undertaken" to purchase any land con nected with the tract which he was endeavoring to have restored to tho public. The corre spondence shows that Mr. Tillman had expressed a desire to have some land reserved for him self and members of his family. Mr. Tillman declares, and there is nothing to dispute it, that while he had contemplated the purchase of land, he had not completed the' transaction and that he finally decided not to do so. It might have been better if, instead of using the word "undertaken," he had gone into detail and told the senators -what correspondence he had had. But in view of the fact that the purchase of the land, even if It had been made would not have been a violation of the law, and con sidering the further fact that nothing Mr Till man could have said would have affected the subject under discussion, it is not fair to con demn him. Ho declared in his statement before the senate that he told the attorney general that he had considered the purchase of some of the land. The attorney general does not remember the conversation exactly as Senator Tillman does, but even the attorney general's statement, as it stands, is sufficient to corroborate the testimony of Senator Tillman. p y We may reach the time when public sentiment Jhl ??? mn ?articipation by slato? ?n the deciding of any matter In which 'he has the slightest pecuniary interest, but that is not the law today neither is it public opinion A large number of the senators and members c' con! gress are nterested in national banks fas stock- holders, directors or officials, and yet" no ques- tion is raised about their speaking and voting upon measures affecting i -the (national hank-; . Senator Platte, of New York, ia interested in express companies, and yet? he takes 'an active part in the consideration tf& decision N6f -ques- tions affecting postal rates,, which come into- competition with express rates. Many of the senators and members afe interested in rail road companies, and yet they, take an active part in the consideration of rate legislation ind railroad regulation. Many of tho senators and members are interested in manufacturing"' enter prises, and yet they speak and vote mpon- the tariff laws which directly affect their business. Senators and members are interested Mn corpor ations known as trusts, and- yet they take part in the 'consideration of measures affecting the trusts. Judges often hold stock Iir railroads which -have cases before them. Why this-singling- out of Senator Tillman for anathema. If no one could cast a stone unless he himself was free from sin, Senator -Tillman would have few accusers in either body. Senator Tillman was endeavoring to recover for the public a large tract of territory which a railroad company was, in his opinion, unlaw fully holding. It would have been better, as it now appears, if he had never thought of pur chasing, for the president's criticism will go" ' farther than Senator Tillman's' defense cam t reach, and the senator will be condemned by - ' many who will forever remain ignorant of the facts. But is the senator's usefulness ended because of this? He immediately called atten tion to the misuse of his name in this connec tion and protested against the attempt of specu lators -to use him to practice, a .fraud upon the., public. ,- ,, .fnf , Measured by the rules that are applied toj? other senators and members of congress., heh?fcS"i not sinned at all; ineasurecUby the,most exacting rules, his offense can not be considered a, grave. j one. - Why should the ,puj?JIo forget .hjgr longV career, of .honesty and .fair, de&lin.g?;, A, ?W,mr charged with a crime, is entitled to the, benefit of his record, not sonlto'mttigate-ihjs; punish ment,vfcut-to explain any transaction, thaWsr capable of two constructions, Senator Tillman, has been in public life forjmany years and hJsjC' name has .stood as a synonyij for Integrity. No matter how men may -have differed f romj liim'v inj opinion., 'they, have conceded to him hgnesftTm of purpose and fearlessness in hjs at'taoksuponaj wrongdoing. Is. it possible that, a1 map'wjth, such a career can be seriously damaged by such ", an indictment as le president brings against " him? . ' If Senator .Tillman were a university pre?!-- ( dent or an expert, in the use of' language, there mightllbe,,more reason to .question his good faith;, when he used the word ".undertaken," but those Who have in the past found fault with him ben,t cause he lacked college, p.ojish ought not to judge him too technically in the selection of L words. K '-: . But what shall we say of the president? Is" he entirely disinterested in pickingfo'ut Mr. Till man for denunciation? It,' Is a matter cf com-1 mon knowledge that Mr. Tlllmanlis the only senator from whom the president has withdrawn"" an invitation to the White House, and it is also known that Mr. Tillman has used emphatic language in criticising certain acts of the presF ' dent. One must give these' facts weight in con- ' ' sidering why the president has attempted to de stroy Mr. Tillman's standing among his asso- . elates. These may have made the president forget that Senator Tillman championed the'1 rate bill when republican leaders fought It. The. reader will recall the time when, a fevr years ago, Mr. Bowen made a report reflecting,': upon the conduct of our minister to Venezuela" Mr. Loomis. The investigation showed that'1' the minister had Interested himself in claims against the republic had .been guilty of con7lf duct which, had it affected 'any European nation' of standing, would have resulted in his imme diate recall. But the president, instead of pun-v ishing him, criticised Mr. Bowen and then cave J the accused an honorary, appointment on the commission that conveyed the bones-of JoKn.' Paul Jones from Paris to the United States, tit will be remembered, also, that when a member!? vloKtlo? nf ?ff 8 Ca?Jnot vitk the violation of the law, the president submitted the questlqn to two distinguished lawyers? that e rejected their opinion w.tien that opiuion wouf! 'have put the cabinet officer on tftal and thel ' said cabinet, officer, when he retired from Si endoeienTTf $&$'. enaorsement. It seems to make a ereat doal '. .of difference wi10Se ox is gored It is a 1SS4 when tho nf chard4;against Wv, Tillman when there are so -many republican official ' I f h :y it J1. " 9t , :i " M-wNflBKWL. .yfe.rJtai rmiyi.!bmm'jl 1 1