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4
The Commoner,
yOLUME 8, NUMBER 3
Mr. Bryan's Reply to the Chicago Tribune
h
At 'Buffalo, Now York, Mr. Brynn paid at
tention to some questions propounded to him
by the Chicago Tribune, a republican newspaper.
II o said:
A candidate can not attempt to answer all
the questions that are put to him by the opposi
tion not oven by opponents of prominence. If
he did so, ho would bo kept busy answering
questions all the time, and would thus allow
others to outline his plan of campaign, rather
than outline it himself, and, of course, the oppo
nents would be interested in leading him away
from the subjects most dangerous to the enemy.
I am going to make an exception, however,
in this case, and answer three questions pro
pounded by one of the loading newspapers of
the west, namely, the Chicago Tribune. The
questions arc pertinent and deserve a frank
answer. I will state the questions In the ordor
in which they appear in an editorial of Septem
ber 19, and trust that the answers will be sat
isfactory to tho Tribune
Question One If a republican senate
would not submit to Mr. 'faffs kindly sugges
tions concerning labor legislation, how can you
promise, or oven Intimate, that your election
would result In procuring the same senate to
do what you say they would not do for Mr.
Taft?
If I am elected, it is probable that tho
house of representatives will bo democratic. I
can recommend legislation in accordance with
my platform, and tho democrats of the house,
being pledged to tho snme platform, will ap
provo of tho measures. It will then bo up to the
senate, and I will not assume that all of the
republican senators will bo willing to disregard
a deliberate expression of opinion upon the part
of tho Americau people. "Shall the people
rAile?" Is declared by our platform to be the
over-shadowing issue in this campaign. Is the
Tribune prepared to say that a republican sen
ate will, as a matter of course, disregard the
decision of the voters as expressed In the elec
tion of a president and house of representatives?
The democrats in tho senate assisted the presi
dent In coercing republican senators into sup
porting the rate bill; id it not possible that wo
can get a fow republican senators to act "with
tho democrats in enacting labcr legislation, after
the people have declared for it at the polls?
If Mr. Taft is elected, a republican house will
probably be elected also. This would mean a
rejection of the labor planks of the democratic
platform, and Mr. Taft, even if he. wore more
disposed toward labor legislation than ho is,
could hardly expect either the house or senate
to endorse measures rejected at tho polls.
Question Two How do you expect to se
cure any of tl c legislation you are promising
the people unless you have tho hearty support
of a republican senate, and a republican con
gress, and at the same time base your claim to
tho v votes of tho peoplo upon the assumption
.that the republican party is against your every
policy?
As I said before, if I am elected, the house
will probably bo democratic and we will have
only a republican senate to dea with, and in
case our victory is a decided one, wo will make
gains in the senate. These r.-.ins will not only
add to the democratic vote, but they will en
courace tho democrats In tho senate and weaken
republican opposition in tho senate. Tho Trib
une fails to distinguish between the republican
leaders and tho republican voters. When we
say that the republican leaders ure against the
policies for which wo stand, wo do not admit
that the republican voters are against those
policies. In fact, we assert tho contrary. We
believe that a majority of the republican voters
are really with the democrats, and that "by vot
ing with tho democrats, they can rebuke the
republican leaders and compel those leaders to
yield to public demands. Until there Is a vote,
tho republican leaders may claim that their
, position Is rupported by the voters, but If the
voters repudiate the republican leadership, and
declare for the reforms outlined In tho demo
cratic platform, we may expect enough support
from the republicans in the senate to accom
plish reforms. Take, for Instance, a publicity
law. The republican convention rejected, by a
vote of nlno to one, tho plank favoring pub
licity. Mr. Taft has expressed his personal de
sire to see a publicity law passed, although ho
only goes half way, advocating publicity after
tho election, instead of before. In case of a
republican victory, will not tho convention's
action have moro influence upon the senators
and members of the house, than Mr. Taft's per
sonal Inclinations or wishes? If, on the con
trary, the democrats win, is It likely that a re
publican senate would defy this demand of tho
people, as expressed at the polls?
Take also the election of United States sen
ators by direct vote of the people. This proposi
tion was rejected by the republican national
convention by a vote of seven to one. Mr. Taft
has expressed a personal inclination toward
popular election of senators, but a republican
victory would be construed by republican lead
ers as a rejection of tho proposition, and Mr.
Taft would find It difficult to secure favorable
action, even, if he tried, and there is no assur
ance that he would try, for he has never spoken
on the subject but once., so far as I know, and
then he only says, "personally, I am inclined
to favor it." If I am elected, and a democratic
house with me, it is fair to assume that the
popular verdict will be effective in securing the
election of senators by the people, especially
when a number of republican senators are al
ready committed to tho proposition.
It must bo remembered that in a number of
states, the republican platforms declare for this
reform, and thope republicans- who favor tho
eleefop of senators by direct vote will bo
strengthened in their faith in this reform by a
democrat!" vietorv, especially smee T promised
In my notification speech to call a special ses
sion of congress. If elected, and urge the sub
mission of this amendment.
Take. ornIn. the rules of the house. Onlv
a democratic house will reform those rules and
T a.m doing what I can to secure a democratic
house.
Question Throe We resupctfullv ask what
legislation, what remedies, what tariff reforms,'
wh"t anvtMng legislative, during the nevt four
years could vou. as a democratic president, give
to the people without the co-operation of a re
publican senate?
It is probable tha.t wo shall have a renub
llcan senate for the next two years, since -It
would be well-nigh imnossible. to make enomrh
chances In the personnel of the senate this
year to give the democrats a majoritv. hut we
ca.n make a be.orjpjinEr this year and then, by
presontlhg tariff reform measures, measures
acaiust trusts, measures for more effective rail
road recrulntion, measures for tho Insuring of
bank deposits, measures carrying out the labor
reforms, measures declaring for the ultimate
independence of the Filipinos, and other meas
ures outlined In our platform measures to be
recommended bv a democratic president and
endorsed hv a democratic, house we can com
pel a Tenublienn penato to accent these reforms
or Its refusal will present a definite issue two
years hence. It is reasonable to assume that
the republicans In the senate will receiptee the
trend of public opinion and Fee the foliv of
putting themselves on record in opposition to
the deliberate judgment of the voters. Tf the
republican leaders show themselves indifferent
to the wishes of the voters, thev will invite a
mora sweenfuer change in the personnel 0f the
senate. Will thev not submit to the inevitable,
and join In securing the more important of the
reforms, in order to conciliate the voters9
But let us consider for a moment the real
proposition presented By the Tribune. It is
this: If vou have a republican senate, vou must
elect a republican president and a republican
house to act with the senate. If that is true
this year, will it not be true four venrs from now,
and eieht years from now. and twelve years
from now. and forever afterward? Tf we elect
a republican president and a republican house,
the natural effect of such an election will be
to keep the senate republican for at least two
years, and then, with a republican president
and a republican senate, the Tribune will argue
that we must have. a republican house, and the
election of a republican house In 1910 would
help to keep the sepate republican for two years
loncrer, for the legislatures which will elect sen
ators two years hence will be elected at the
same time that the congressmen are elected
In 1912, therefore, the Tribune could propound
the same questions to the democratic candidate
that It now propounds, and if it could persuade
the peoplo to adopt its theory, it could keep the
republican party in power perpetually by using
the republican senate as a club.
Mr. Taft does not stand for needed labor
legislation; he does not stand for tariff reduc
tion at all his platform uses the word "re
vision,' not "reduction;" he does not stand for
the elmlnatlon of the principle of private mon
opoly; he does not propose any definite legisla
tion for the protection of the people against
the trusts; he opposes the plan of the demo
cratic party to insure bank depositors from
loss; he stands for extravagance in expenditures,
and ho stands for executive interference in tho
matter of elections, for his nomination was se
cured by the president, and he is now being
urged by the president who attempts to turn
the -prestige of the nation's highest office to tho
advantage of a political party.
If the people want to endorse the republican
platform, they ought to vote the republican
ticket; if they want to endorse the democratic
platform, they ought to vote the democratic
ticket. It is not only Illogical, but absurd
to say that they must vote for republican con
gressmen and a republican president, merely be
cause the senate is so constituted that it is im
possible to make a complete change in its per
sbnnel at this election.
O lr 0& i&rt
AN EPITAPH
. It:Is amazing, It is pitiful, it is. humiliating.
Their sins, indeed, have found them out at last.
Scandals to right of them; scandals to left of
them; defeat in front of them; only the Taft
Sinton millions between: Cannon clinging to
"Sunny .Tim" Aldrich falling upon the neck of
son-in-law Rockefeller the thieving tariff exud
ing fat no longer, but making quagmires for the
robber trusts the people disgusted on the one
hand or indignant on the other the grand old
party of graft and fraud is, in truth, a sight to
see. Yet a little longer and then the boneyard,
leaving only a stench behind, and this In
scription: Whilst it lived it lived in clover;
When it died, it died all over.
Henry Watterson in the Courier-Journal.
,mt- rrcu
WHY, BHili FELT EASY j.
' Last fall when all my work was done
I thought I'd take some well earned fun;
Just thought I'd spend about a week
A visitin' my friend, Bill Peek
With whom I uster fight an' play
Bill lives down Oklahoma way
So down I went, as free from care
As anybody anywhere.
"How'l tricks, ol man?" says Bill t me.
"O, bully, Bill, I'm up in G."
An' then I told him of success
That I had earned through storm and
stress. '
'"Some years were fat an' some were lank,
But I got money in th' bank;
An' now I guess as how I will
Quit workin' hard," says 1 t' Bill.
That night along 'bout 8 o'clock:
I got a mighty sudden shock -
A message from my wife that saidr
"Our bank is broke!" An home I sped.
In less than one short half a day
I saw my savin's fade away.
The bank was broke 'tween me. an'. you
T' date I ain't got nary sou. . : - ?
This fall -Bill came t' visit me
An' found me workin hard, b'gee! .
But we went Yisitin aroun' -,-.
An' spent some leisure time in town;-.
Says Bill t' me: "In that there wreck
It seems you got it in th' neck."
"Correct," says I, "you stated facts
Right where th' chicken got th' ax."
That night Bill read his bank had closed,
An' I jus' nacherly supposed . :
He'd hike f'r home a feelin' blue.
Jus like I had an' so would you.
But Bill he laughed an' said: "I guess
That ain't a goin' V make distress."
"But all your money. Bill?" I said.
"Guaranteed," eaid Bill; "let's go t' bed."
W. KT. M.
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