The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, April 24, 1908, Page 9, Image 9

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APRIL 24; 19 08
The Commoner.
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much comes from his "adoption of democratic
policies with which Mr. Bryan is most conspicu
ously identified. Among thoughtful democrats
there is little or no difference of opinion upon
these points, and the conclusion is irresistible
that Mr. Bryan is not only the proper nomineo
on account of his devoted following, but because
he is pre-eminently the most available man in
the party at" this juncture. We hope the danger
is not so serious as it appears to the Dubuque
paper, but manifestly the fear is not an idle
apprehension, and it behooves southern news
papers to sound a note of warning lest delega
tions to Denver be composed of men who will
abandon Bryaa after a formal observance of
instructions."
GOVERNOR HASKELL of Oklahoma ad
dressed the democrats of Wichita, Kan.,
saying in part: "Republicanism never was
further away from Lincolnism than it is today.
Show me the true adherers to the policies, of
the nation's greatest president and I will sliow
you a democrat. ' Roosevelt may talk of the
good things that are in store under republican
administration, but when it comes to a practical
thing, as a railroad rate bill, Aldrich compels
him to subside. When it concerns a reform
measure, Cannon compels him to wait until
after the next election. When he speaks of a
currency reform, Cannon and Aldrich both say,
'Wait a little longer.' Is it any wonder then
'that Roosevelt in his desperation and disappoint
ment, issued his 12,000 word special message,
last January confessing that the thirty-eight
years of republican government brings us to the
point where he himself condemns everything
as radically bad and is wholly unprepared to
suggest efficient remedies. Fortunately there
is a remedy. Bryanism is in actual practice in
Oklahoma, expressed in the most, practical con
stitution ever written for the government of
the people and by the people. We have fully
demonstrated that Bryanism means good com
mon sense and efficient government when put
to a test. If spread from ocean to ocean it
would mean a new ''era, where the government
would be ruled by the people instead of being
controlled by special interests."
REPUBLICAN leaders of the house grew des
perate in their efforts to hold control so
effectively as to prevent the passage of reform
.legislation. Many exciting scenes have occurred
on the floor of the house recently. The repub
licans adopted several rules to check the mi
nority. One of these rules was to enable the
speaker to arbitrarily declare a recess at five
o'clock every day. Mr. Dalzell subsequently re
ported another rule which the republicans put
through by sheer force of numbers. The rule
provided that hereafter a general appropriation
bill that has been considered and amended in
committee of the whole house shall be put on
its passage under suspension of the rules and
that a majority, and not a two-thirds vote, shall
carry the bill through. The object of the rule
is to prevent the democrats securing roll calls
on motions forcing votes on amendments.
THREE TIMES on April 9 the democrats in
the house caught the republicans napping
and forced them to produce a quorum. At one
time when a vote disclosed the absence of a
quorum Speaker Cannon applied the old Reed
rule and declared a quorum to be Present.
While the amendments to one appropriation bill
were being read Mr. Gaines, of Tennessee, over
looking the rule, demanded to know if there
was to be any debate. "No debate," sharply
replied Speaker Cannon, bringing his gavel down
with several resounding whacks.- "I'll bet the
tobacco trust is in there all right," Mr. Gaines
remarked heatedly.
WHILE- THE employers' liability bill was
before the senate Mr. Bacon of Georgia
declared that great railroad corporations exer
cise an important influence upon the political
fortunes of the country. In New York, he said,
$100,000 had been raised on one occasion on
the suggestion of a high official and used to
influence the election. His reference. was read
ily recognized by senators as being aimed at the
president and his letter to Mr. Harriman. He
said he would not call any names in connection
with that statement. Senator Foraker asked
whether the Georgia senator would not call the
name of the "high official" he referred to, but
Mr. Bacon said he did not wish to do that. "I
think it is only fair to the 'high offlcial,' said
Mr. Foraker, "to state that he contradicts that
story and applied an ugly word to the man who
set it afloat."
O
DURING THIS debate Senator Gore of Okla
homa, taking a letter from his pocket,
said he wished to read it, as throwing light upon
the subject under discussion. The paper proved
to be a copy of a letter dated October 14, 1904,
recently published, which began: "My Dear
Harriman," and was signed "Theodore Roose
velt." Mr. Gallinger, addressing I1I3 question
to Mr. Bacon, asked if ho thought it was right
to introduce the name of the president in this
debate. "I am not responsible," said Mr. Bacon,
"for bringing in the president." Mr. Gore
quickly responded that he did not think that
the president should write a letter he was un
willing to have read. Later Mr. Gore said in
regard to the Roosevelt-Hariman letter that he
was responsible for the reading of the letter to
the senate. "I would rather be responsible for
the reading of that letter," he said, "than re
sponsible for writing it. If that were a proper
letter for the president to write to an undesir
able citizen there should be no impropriety in
my offering it to this senate. If that is an im
proper letter I am sorry the president wrote it.
That is my apology." The bill was passed with
out amendment and without a division.
SENATOR TILLMAN of South Carolina speak
ing to a representative of the Atlanta
Georgian, said: "We have a magnificent
chance to win. A spirit of unrest and discon
tent is abroad with the republican party. I
believe that with Bryan and a strong man with
him we can win. Everything now points to
Taft as the republican candidate. He is sup
posed to represent and typify Rooseveltism, but
I believe Taft as president would be another
man compared with Taft as secretary of war.
He is a pretty independent spirit, and I do not
believe Roosevelt or any other man could con
trol or dictate to him. If Taft makes peace with
the Wall Street crowd, and it seems probable
that he will, I believe it would strengthen dem
ocratic chances of success. Roosevelt has appro
priated a large part of the democratic principles.
He has talked much, but accomplished actually
in good for the masses very little. There are
many important laws on the statute books that
ho has not enforcod. In lecturing through the
northwest last summer I found thousands of
republicans, who will vote for Bryan, because
they know he stands for things Roosevelt stands
for, and did so before Roosevelt oven thought
of them. Of course there is tho old conservative
Cleveland wing of democrats who would prob
ably go to Taft or whoever the republicans nom
inate. It is a crowd that follows the party that
promises least in tho way of reforms. Wall
Street and that crowd hate Bryan now even
worse than they over have, which is saying
much. With them it is anybody to dofeat .
Bryan, and you will observe that most of tho
hubbub against him comes from thai crowd."
IT IS VERY satisfactory to now and then havo
a great light shed upon some question that
has long bothered us. "Puck" tells a story that
may shed a great light on the vex,ed question of
"what caused tho recent financial flurry?" Tho
New York paper tolls us that the reporter, after
surmounting many difficulties, managed to reach
the private office of tho Great Man of Finance.
The Man of Finance wheeled about In his chair
and proceeded to talk graciously concerning tho
panic, much to the surprise of the reporter, who
had anticipated great trouble. Said tho Man of
Finance: "I do not mind being quoted to this
extent, to the effect that 1 believe that the pres
ent uneasiness has a cause. Cause and effect
go hand in hand. Everything would now point
to the fact that money in various quantities is
hard to got readily. No doi bt the origin lies
somewhere or other; I am positive that there
is an origin. The money market fluctuates under
different conditions. It is just now fluctuating;
this, I would say, is due to the different condi
tions. The run on the banks withdraws tho
money from the banks, which tends to exhaust
the supply from the banks. If a bank has no
money the shortage is felt among its depositors.
Thus it is clearly seen that the result Is only
due to the effect of the cause. Do I make my
self clear? Now, please try to quot& me exactly,
as I do not wish to leave any false or uncertain
impression on the public as to my stand on this .
great question. Good morning." After having
carefully digested this very lucid explanation,
Commoner readers will no longer wonder why
we had the panic, although they may woiidor,
greatly at tho tremendous possibilities of our
language, which, It will be remembered, has
been defined as something with which to con
ceal our thoughts.
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C-C-C-COME, LET'S B-B-BE FRIENDS
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