Mtab BRUARY 14, 1908 The Commoner. 9 rcuRReNT Cop JH fcjJ 5 E3p-" r-TPTr-T'-r-.- 'v-u -jssiT i-tTSWiEi jrywnaTnrrg -u fT'.u . ... vrr"t . "V Wfltf v ijij:ww. .j i -'ffl iHE FIRST convention to be held in 1008, (rennhllean ntjito. of Florida"! was called to $?y-$0Wet at St. Augustine, February 6. The con- antion split In two, one body being Known as iCthe office holders' convention," and the other idy being know as the "anti-Taft convention." Lne convention instructed for Taft and the other Sleeted an uninstructed delegation. Concerning two conventions the Associated Press says: KThe office holders' convention elected as dele- fiates to the national convention J. N. Coombs, lember of the national committee from Florida; loseph E. Lee (colored), collector of internal svenue; Henry S. Hubb, receiver of the United tates land office at Gainesville; M. C. MacFar- ind, collector of customs at Tampa, and four Jternates. The anti-Taft convention elected as legates Joseph N. Stripling, former United ites attorney; J. Do Hazzard, J. H. Dickor- n, B. R. Robinson, the latter two colored, and ur alternates. Tno congressional district con ditions of the First and Second districts of Jlorida were held by each faction immediately Fgfter the adjournment of the state convention, Said each of those conventions elected two dele tes to the national convention, and adopted 3 same resolutions as the state convention of their respective factions had adopted. The iriiifirR'hnl nnrl n rlnv.nn TinUcdmpn wore nn rlntv tn "iv.the hall and were frequently called upon to eject . ';&.unruly delegates. Nine-tenths of both conven- luons were negroes. ? X?3 'yj tfAtKU Miwim sl ; ' & r&WT&QTL THE THIRD time within thirtv davs the United States supreme court delivered, z'. nm Irfihriifirv 3. nn nnininn nnnstni nc laws v '. " zz-r.. 7' I iiZ izzz" r., ,lt'z ,iRferrine: to former decisions the Washington icorresponueni Tor tne Associated ress saia: gLuc! mau ui iuc uuuiaiuna vvuo iciiuciuu ouuu- ary G, in the case of some railway employes who ougnt to secure aamages under wnat is Known Si, the employers' liability law, making railroads , responsible for injuries resulting from the negli- ' gence of fellow servants which law the court 'wheld to DG unconstitutional. The second impor- - J 'tant finding in this line was announced January V323, when the Erdman arbitration act, forbid- ATlng the discharge of employes because they are Wjl$fcinembers of labor unions, was also declared to $$Jhjjlje invalid. The verdict rendered February 3 was in uic case oi j-ioewe vs. .uawier, me latter ar member of the Hatters' Union and the former a hat manufacturer of Danbury, Conn. The case Involve I the applicability of the seventh section p the Sherman anti-trust law to conspiracies by labor unions to boycott articles entering into interstate trade. Under the terms of that pro- ision the complaining party may collect three times the amount of his loss if the charge is sustained. The union fought the case on the ground that the law was inapplicable to such organizations; but the court, whose opinion was announced by Chief Justice Fuller, failed to ac cept this view and in effect held that the unions could not be permitted to interfere by boycott with the free exchange of commerce between the states. There was no dissenting opinion." AFTER QUOTING precedent and reciting the complaint In the case the supreme court Baid: "The averments here are that there was an existing interstate traffic between plaintiffs and citizens of other states and that for the direct purpose of destroying such interstate traffic, defendant combined not merely to pre vent plaintiffs from manufacturing articles then and thero intended for transportation beyond the state, but also to prevent the vendees from reselling the hats which they had imported from Connecticut, or from further negotiating with plaintiffs for the purchase and transportation of such hats from Connecticut to the various places of destination. So that although some of the means whereby the interstate traffic was to be destroyed were acts within a state and Borne of them were in themselves as a part of their obvious purpose and effect beyond the scope of federal authority, still, as we have seen, the acts must be considered as a whole and the plan Is open to condemnation, notwith ttanding a negligible amount of interstate busi- ness might bo affected in carrying it out. If the purposes of the combination were, as al leged, to prevent any interstate transportation at all, the fact that the means operated at one end beforo physical transportation commenced ut the other end after the physical transportation ended, was immaterial. Nor can the act in question bo held inapplicable because the de fendants were not themselves ongaged in inter state commerce. The act made no distinction between classes. It provided that 'every' con tract, combination or conspiracy in restraint of trade was illegal. The records of congress show that several efforts were made to exempt by legislation organizations of farmers and laborers from the operation of the act and that all these efforts failed, so that the act remained as wo have it before us." J . t DANIEL DAVENPORT, of Bridgeport, Conn., associated with James M. Beck of New York as counsel for the plaintiffs in the caBe, made the following statement regarding the de cision: "The United States supreme court by its decision in the case of Loewo vs. Lawler, declared illegal and criminal under the Sher man anti-trust act all combinations of working men to boycott the interstate business of man ufacturers who sell their goods in other states than that of manufacture. So long as the American Federation of Labor and other labor unions resort to the boycott as a weapon of attack upon the interstate business of manufac tures, they are illegal and criminal combina tions, and it Is the duty of the department of justice to proceed against them the same as against illegal and criminal combinations of cap italists. The court holds that the Sherman anti trust act applies to combinations of working men and of capitalists and for the same rea sons." When asked for an expression of opin ion in regard to the decision, Samuel Gompcrs, president of the American Federation of Labor, declined to make any comment. HERMAN RIDDER, editor of the New York Staats Zeitung, recently visited the White House but, according to the New York corre spondent for the Chicago Record-Herald, he was unable to see the president. This correspondent says that when informed that Mr. Ridder want ed to see him Mr. Roosevelt said: "Oh, it's that limburger envoy, hey?" and would not see the distinguished German-American editor. Mr. Ridder was cut to the quick by the reported "utterance of the president, and said a few caustic things to this efTect: "Perhaps Mr. Roosevelt, who is a politician, when he learns that more than fifty per cent of the population have German blood in their veins, may next time think twice beforo he slurs a citizen on account of his Ger man birth or descent, ne has known mo quite well for many years, and he knows I have never been a candidate for public office nor sought a political favor for myself from any national or state administration, and that whatever I did I did as a matter of conviction and not as a mat ter of self-interest. I also have the greatest respect for every citizen who takes an active in terest in politics, and I do not believe that this race is a subject for vulgar criticism." IT IS CLAIMED by many republican politi cians that Mr. Roosevelt sent his special message to congress at the time he did for the special purpose of checking the boom for Gov ernor Hughes of New York. The Washington Herald of February 2 told this story: "If the old leaders In the senate and house had been right 'on the job' all the week President Roose velt would have had no opportunity to present his special message Friday and thus 'muss up' the Hughes meeting of the New York Republican club. They were full of chagrin yesterday that they did not 'catch on' to the suspicious doings under their very noses. Thursday the telephone bell rang in Speaker Cannon's office at the capi tol. The White House was on the other end of the wire, inquiring If the house of representa tive were to meet Friday. An affirmative' reply was given. Nothing more was thought of the matter. That sumo Thursday afternoon Senator Lodge was hustling around at the north end of the capitol. Usually (ho senate ndJouriiH over Friday. Mr. Lodge was quietly ascertaining what senators had business they would like to present the following day. Thereupon he plead ed with the steering committee not to adjourn till Monday, ns (here was plenty of work to do. I ho bigwigs of (he senate did not tumble to Mr. LodKe'M real program and placidly acquieiicod. Had they 'Hinollod the rat' President Roosevelt would not have had the chance to get before the country first. The senate could have boon adjourned over Friday easily. Speaker Cannon could and would have done likewise with the house. That would have made it Impossible for the president to deliver his special message be fore tomorrow. Congress was not in session yesterday, but. Us senators and representatives were generally discussing the president's re markable words. The message has for the tlmo being supplanted the politics of president-making and even side-tracked perusal of the Hughes speech. While opinion continues to vary as to the circumstances which impelled Mr. Roose velt to pen this most remarkable document, there seems to bo general unanimity, in the view that its object was to produce a marked effect upon the deliberations of the forthcoming national convention of the republican party. Following, as the message did, close on tho heels of the mysterious suggestion to critics of Mr. Roosevelt's policies that if the Chicago con vention did not nominate Taft on tho first ballot it would be compelled to nominate Roosevelt on tho second, it was Impossible for senators and representatives to escape tho suspicion that Mr. Roosevelt's hot shot was intended to empha size that suggestion. A widespread feeling ex ists in the capitol that the message was born of the president's anger over the manner In which he had been,, attacked by prominent men and the press since the recent money panic, but that its development brought tho conviction that he might kill two birds with one stone slap back at his critics and do a little electioneering for tho Roosevelt policies and Roosevelt or Taft." THE CHICAGO Record-Herald and various Chicago dispatches say that Governor John son of Minnesota will soon issue a statement an nouncing his candidacy for the democratic nom ination for the presidency. The Record-Herald says: "Direct information to this effect reached Chicago yesterday in a letter from a personal friend of Governor Johnson and who is also a member of the Minnesota state administration. Plans have been made for the consolidation of all party interests in Illinois on Governor John son and the selection of fifty-four delegates from the state co the Denver convention who will be uniiiBtructed for the presidency. One of tho paragraphs of the letter from St. Paul reads as follows: 'Such pressure has been brought to bear upon Governor Johnson from representa tive democrats in nearly every state in tho union that he has determined to make clear his personal views on national-topics. Such a state ment will come from Governor Johnson early next week. The statement will be perfectly clear in its terms and make his nomination by the national convention .entirely possible and acceptable to him, if his fellow democrats see fit to choose him as their leader.' The under standing among some of the Illinois politicians is that a Johnson movement will be launched in a majority of the states. Party leaders in Chi cago were reticent as to the possibility of an expansion of the Johnson boom until it reached a size sufficient to swamp William J. Bryan's aspirations. More evidence of the active but quiet work which Is being done for Governor Johnson developed with the appearance of pam phlets attacking Mr. Bryan for again seeking the democratic nomination, charging him with being solely responsible for the repeated defeats of the democratic national ticket and pointing to Governor Johnson as a candidate who can carry every state which Bryan can and at least ten more which it is claimed Bryan ran not win." . . . . . , , ii uHife i ii nUl'iTi ftir ifthr' "" ' -' ut.Uf&L. ..