yn
The Commoner,
OCTOBER 4, 1907
. I-
heading, "The Wago Worker's Share," it goes
on to speak of reckless assertions and figures
which will not stand analysis. It quotes from
the Master Printer and says: "The total selling
value of the manufacturer's products in the
United States in the census year was $13,014,
287,498. The cost of raw material, of which
many million dollars' worth was imported and
therefore not produced hy American working
men, was $7,348,144,755." It occurred to mo
that this statement was somewhat reckless. I
have before me Census Bulletin No. 150, en
titled "Manufactures." Table No. 2 gives these
facts: Cost of materials, total, $7,377,907,079.
The items of these materials are, purchased in
fraw state, $2,395,958,161; purchased partially
manufactured, $4,058,697,841; fuel, freight,
etc., $323,251,077; value of products, $13,091,
876,790. Table No. 1 gives wages of officials,
clerks, etc., at $404,837,591; wageearners' total
wages $2,320,273,021. If the census increased
them to $2,395,958,161 worth of raw material
they add $2,725,110,612 paid for labor and sell
the output for $13,091,876,790. Their other
expenses as shown by the census are: Miscel
laneous, $1,031,654,325; fuel, lights and freight,
$323,251,077, leaving a balance of over six
billion dollars. Again, what is labor's share
after allowing a fair return, say 5 per cent, on
the capital invested in the plant? I do not think
the operator should have it all. I do think by
reducing the tariff to a point when our factories
are compelled to compete with the world it
would force them to pay better prices for raw
material and reduce the price of finished product
to the consumer, giving all labor better remuner
ation and producing fewer Carnegies.
J. C. Cuppy, Pittsburg, Pa. I note in The
Commoner recently an ably written article by
Orwell C. Riddle of Columbus, Ohio, in which he
among other things, said: "In The Commoner
of February 22 was an excellent communication
from Joseph H. Call of Los Angeles, Cal., on
the subject of 'The Treaty Power.' In the last
three paragraphs of his letter there is one sen
tence to which the writer desires to note an
exception; the particular sentence reads:. '"'A
valid treaty is, of course, a law of the United
States, and can change or amend any other ex
isting law, whether made by the two houses or
in the form f a treaty." Subsequent to citing
article 6, section 2, of the United States Consti
tution, Mr. Riddle further said: "The presi
dent's collusion with the senate as a precedent
over the constitution and statutes is the highest
degree of autocratic monarchy." During the
close of the national campaign of 1900, it was
stoutly contended that the absence of the Chinese
exclusion plank in the national republican plat
form meant nothing, in that the treaty with
China was the supreme law of the land and said
treaty did not expire during the lif- of the con
gress then to be elected, nowever, the act of
congress excluding the Chinese race, in force
at that time, expired during the life of the con
gress then to be elected, which made a debatr
able question: "Was the Chinese exclusion plank
left out of the republican platform of 1900
through an oversight?" As a student on this
question during the early Knights of Labor cru
sade, I was called upon by the press only a
few weeks prior to the close of that campaign
for an interview in which I cited several fed
eral court decisions holding that "a treaty is
not mandatory, it is only permissive and has no
legislative force." A reproduction of this afore
said interview would forever settle the contro
versy, and as I verily believe, the solution of
this vexing problem therein suggested would
provide ways and means for constitutionally
closing the flood-gate of foreign immigration to
all of the undesirable of the five races of men.
I would be derelict in not calling special atten
tion to the fact that a legislative act giving force
beyond the period of expiration of the treaty
permitting uch legislation would be unconsti
tutional in that it was not uniform in its appli
cation during the period of no permission given. '
There is a practical solution for every paramount
issue; compromise measures will be no longer
'tolerated. The people are tired of being "fooled
all of the time" by their mis-representatives in
congress, the executive and judiciary; if they
will not listen to "Reason," she will surely rap
their knuckles.
to allow the public to be deluded by such stuff?
The years 1903, 1904 and 1905 wore banner
years in railway earnings, yet 1906 outstripped
all former years enormously. Why not show the
people that extensions, rqulpmonts, etc., should
be inndo out of earnings, oven if the dividends
on the $8,000,000,000 of railway watered stock
shall bo reduced. Is It right that the people
should continue Indefinitely to contribute $300,
000,000 a year to paying dividends on stock
which should never have boon issued? The
press is allowing this point to go unchallenged.
Was it not the intention of the rato bill to give
the people some relief from exorbitant freight
rates? It has not done it. It has added mil
lions to the income of railways by the elimina
tion of rebates, but the mass of the people have
profited nothing by it, and wo never challongo
the right of railways to go on issuing stock and
insisting that freight rates must be kept high
enough to pay dividends on whatever amount
they put out. Think of it! Three hundred mil
lions a year wrongfully taken from the peoplo!
This amount would build and equip a double
track railroad from New York to the Pacific
coast which, operated by the government, would
be worth Infinitely more to tho United Statos
than the Panama canal. One trans-continental
government railroad could bo made a great reg
ulator of freight rates. The main point I am
trying to make is that freight rates should bo
reduced even if it cuts dividends which the peo
ple are unjustly compelled to pay to the extent
of $300,000,000 a year.
A Traveling Man, Grand Forks, N. D.
Why docs it cost $150,000 more a year to keep
up the White House with Roosevelt there than
any other president? Did not Roosevelt go out
side of his jurisdiction when ho called Moyor
and Haywood undesirable citizens, as well as
when he said states had no right to legislate
on railroads? Does the constitution of the
United States give tho right of every state to
legislate on railroads or not? Did not tho pres
ident violate his oath of 'office when ho said
that state had no right to legislate on railroads?
Has the president appointed anyone to an office
that was not boosted by railroads or trusts?
Was not Root, secretary of state, J. P. Morgan's
head counsel? Was not Bacon, assistant secretary
of state a hired man of J. P. Morgan7 Did not
Roosevelt send out Root to denounce W. R.
Hearst as the assassin of William MeKlnley?
Has any other president been guilty of calling
citizens liars or undesirable citizens just be
cause they did not agree with th-i president?
Has not every man that the president callo-d
liars been vindicated, including Parker, Harrl
man, Chandler, Storrer and Bigelow? Why does
the president boost for the ship subsidy bill?
Does he not know that this bill takes $180,
000,000 out of tho United States treasury in
nine years jiud donates to such men as Morgan,
Schwab and others? Why does the president
only appoint railroad tools to have charge of
digging the Panama canal? Why does he allow
such conditions to exist in the Panama canal
zone as is reported when he lias absolute charge
of the work? Did not the United States senate
add $25,000 to the president's salary, and called
it traveling expenses just after the railroad rate
bill was passed with an unlimited court re
view? Is not Roosevelt the most expensive
president by $175,000 we have ever had?
I. A. Waters, Springfield, Ohio. Now that
there is a little agitation about curtailing rail
road earnings we see the railway interests pub
lishing broadcast statements that they can not
borrow more money to furnish new equipment,
etc. -And they are even threatening to raise
freight rates. Is the press of this country going
G. W. Demaree, Christiansburg, Ky. As a
reader of The Commoner, I have noticed that
The Commoner, unlike most newspapers, does
not evade the responsibility of publishing some
things regarded as being "serious" by the
worldly minded. Therefore I wish to call at
tention through The Commoner to some marvel
ous .things that are going on in the world, at
this time this period of wonderful blindness.
There never has been a time in the world's his
tory and I appeal to the best historians
when the world powers were making such gigan
tic preparations for war as at the present time.
There never was a time when so many soldiers
in proportion to the population of the world In
time of peace, were ready at command to mur
der, and destroy the peace of the earth. There
never was a time when greater war ships with
their destructive implements of death, moved
so menacingly upon the great deep as now.
Great factories are turning out death dealing
implements of war, military schools all over the
so-called civilized world teaching the young the
art of pomp and murder, and in plain view of
this heartless greed for battle, the hypocritical
cry of "peace, peace," rings out from The Fiague
tribunal, from the oratorical platform, and even
the dear lovers of the clash of the battle and
the groans of tho dying echo back tho po'nlod
cry of "peace and Hafcty." What can nil these
things moan If not tho condition of things fore
seen by tho Apostlo Paul ovor eighteen hundred
years ago, as recorded in his first oplstlo to tho
ThoBsalonlans, fifth chapter, which reads in
part: "But of tho times and seasons brethren
yo have no need that I write unto you, for your
selves know perfectly, that the day of the Lord
so cometh as a thief In tho night. For when
they shall say peace and safety, thon sudden
destruction comoth upon them" "and thoy
shall not escape." "But yo brethren aro not
In darkness that that day should overtake you
as a thief." Who arc tho "thoy" alluded to
by tho apostlo, If not the world powers who
blindly cry "peace, peace, when there Is no
peace?". It would soom that In the days of tho
apostlo there was a remnant of the human raco
represented In tho passago by tho "Ye Breth
ren," that woro "not In darkness." And so In
tho presont day thoro aro a few peoplo who oboy
tho warning, "What I say unto you, I say unto
all, watch." Mark 13:37. And those few peo
ple guided by the "light," from prophetic scrip
tures, aro able to see that tho "destruction" of
tho Gcntllo (Beastly, Dan. 7:) powers la not
far ahead.
John O'Toolo, Alliance, Ohio. Tho recont
or presont American-Japanese trouble Is only
the recurrence of liko events since tho dawn of
time on tho division of human bolngs into racos.
Civilization and education may allay raco preju
dices, but up to this time their Influences havo
novcr been able to totally remove thorn. No two
soparato racos have ovor bumped elbows In one
country on one location and preserved the peace
very long. Nor Is It likely that thoy ever will
while employment be considered as a favor and
tho different races come into competition with
each other. Instead of ono race problem in this
country wo now havo two, and If some legisla
tion does not soon prevent it wo may havo more.
Tho writer suggests tho adoption by congress
of a resolution and the making of It effective,
declaring hostility of tho United States towards
the Immigration of all persons not of the Cau
casian race excepting, of course, tourists, schol
ars, etc.
NEBRASKA DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION
The democratic state convention for Ne
braska met at Lincoln September 24. P. E. Mc
Kllllp was chosen chairman of the convention,
W. II. Thompson was chairman of tho resolu
tions committee, and T. S. Allen was re-elected
chairman of tho state committee. The conven
tion declared in favor of a special session of
the legislature to deal with the railroad rate
question.
Tho platform as It relates to national ques
tions will be found on another page of this Issue.
On local questions the resolutions were as
follows:
Undoubtedly tho railroad commission which
was created by an amendment to the constitu
tion has no power to fix rates, therefore we de
mand that the governor shall call an extra ses
sion of tho legislature and that that body shall
establish maximum rates upon grain, live stock,
fruit, vegetables, building material, fuel, and
such kindred products as enter Into the neces
sities of life. Also a stringent anti-pass law,
a reciprocal demurrage law, and a law directing
the governor of this state to appoint a compe
tent commission of at least five, no more than
two of whom shall bo of one political party,
who shall after due investigation report upon
the physical values and the market values of
all common carriers doing business within
the state for the guidance of the legislature and
the taxing powers.
Believing that the writ of injunction has
been prostituted from its original purpose until
it is now, to aU intents and purposes, a weapon
in the hands of capitalistic combines for the
terrorizing and enslavement of organized work
ingmen, we pledge our best efforts for tho
enactment of a law that will safeguard the
rights of the wage earners by providing for trial
by jury in all cases of contempt not arising in
open court.
We recognize that the highest court of this
state should be composed of men who are able,
honest, conscientious, and free from the control
of any selfish interest and we, therefore, heartily
endorse the candidacy of George L. Loomis for
the office of supreme judge and we commend
him to the voters of Nebraska. We also en
dorse and commend tho candidacy of John L.
Sundean and R. J. Millard for the offices of
regents of the state university.
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