JULY i'9, 190T
:'
The Commoner.
need. Wo arc brought, therefore! faco to face
with th'o proposition, whether wo shall exploit
the islands in our own interests or prepare for
their independence. There are two intermediate,
coursed, hut neither is likely to prove sattsfac-;
tory. The first is to tax ourselves for the devel
opment of the Islands, conscientiously governing,
the Filipinos with an eye single to their inter-,
ests. This is doubtless the plan of those who
feel tht our occupancy of the islands la provi
dential and that we are in duty hound to take
care of "the brown baby left on our doorstep."
While such a- policy would bo entirely incon
sistent with our theory of government it is put
forth with earnestness by those who have more
faith in their interpretation of the plans of tho
Almighty than they have in our constitution.
There are sovpral objections to this plan,
one of which is that the Filipinos would dis
trust our motives and criticize our administra
tion. They could point to our mistakes as evi
dence of our ignorance of tho situation, and to
our legislation as evidence of the, care with
which we guard the interests of the foreign capi
talist. Another objection would be made by
our own people, who would grow weary of tax
ing themselves to help others, when that help
was resented. Mr. Gage, then secretary of the
treasury, said, when the Philippine question first
arose, that "philanthropy and five, per cent
would go hand in hand." The reader of history
will recognize this familiar pair, and will recall
.many instances in Which philanthropy has been
taken along to .gflard the frotft door while fivo
per cent has entered the premises from the rear.
It was supposed by many that the Philippine
islands would prove a great commercial prize,
besides being a stepping-stone to the Orient.
Now that this delusion no longer inflames the
imagination of our financiers, less is said about
"duty and destiny."1 Those who justify wars
of conquest for the extension of trade never see
the hand of God in such a war unless they also
see & dollar in the hand. Experience a rather
expensive experience, too has convinced even
"the most sanguine that that Philippine trade
costs more than it IS worth, and that a harbor
and coaling station 'would serve ad well for a
stepping'-stone to tHe Orient as a whole groups
of islands inhabited "by hostile people. No party
could long continue a colonial 'policy which re
quired an annual appropriation to maintain it,
an army to support it, and a repudiation of the
Declaration of Independence to defend it.
The second half-way policy a that which
England employs in dealing -with Canada, Aus
tralia and New Zealand. This plan permits the
colony to have what fe equivalent to self-government,
the governor-general retaining but never
using the veto power. England -has only exL
perimented with this policy where 'she" has built
up a colony of her own race; she has not at
tempted to apply it Jwhere she is governing alien
races. It is not likely that such a policy would
be satisfactory if applied by our government to
the Philfppines. It would not be defensible on
principle, for we are not familiar with any theory
of government upon which we could justify the
exercise of sovereign authority over people who
are denied the privileges of citizenship, and no
trade Advantages cbuld compensate for the ex
pense which the defense of the islands would
under such an arrangement entail upon us.
England offers the protection of her navy in
return for the allegiance of her self-governing
colonies', but she has an imperial policy in sup
port of which she keeps a large navy. We wquld
find it touch easier 'to protect the independence
of the Philippines than to hold them as England
holds Canada, for if the Filipinos were independ
ent we' could secure a treaty from other nations
by which her independence would be recognized
by all In return for equal trade advantages.
The alternative propositions which the
American people have to consider are, first, shall
the Filipinos be governed under a colonial policy
similar to that administered by England in
India? -Or, second, shall we treat the Filipinos
as we have treated the Cubans, and make them
at once a pledge of independence, the pledge to
be fulfilled when a stable government is es
tablished? The objections to the first policy are nu
merous and, to my way of thinking, conclusive.
To attempt to govern the Filipinos as England
governs India would be an abandonment of that
theory of government which had given to this
country its prestige among the nations. A na
tion which recognizes' a hereditary king as the
source 'of power a government' 'In which the
people accept such favors as tile' king may
choose to grant can -have self-government in
one portion of the dnipire and arbitrary govern
x mentin another pd?tion, but people who believe
in-the inalienable rights of man and find' no 'au
thority for government except in tho will of tho
people can not consistently eecuro subjects by
conquest or purchase, or retain them by forco.
Wo say "consistently," for a nation can not lead
a double life. It can hot preach ono thing and
practice another, nor can it in ono place defend
as inalienable, rights which it extinguishes in
another place.
No matter what advantages may bo hold
out as a reward, a republic can not abandon its
foundation principles. The fruits of imperialism,
bo they bitter or sweet, must be loft to tho
children of monarchy; this is tho or-9 tree of
which the citizens of a republic may not par
take it is the voice of the serpent, and not tho
voice of God, that bids us eat. - -
OOOO
WHAT ABOUT MISSOURI?
The Wall Street Journal says: "In an
swer to all the to-do about the serving of a
subpoena, upon John D. Rockefeller, it is re
freshing to have the laconic answer which ho
sent to Judge Landis: 'I will be there.' The
man whose word can bo counted upon to be at
tho time and place required does .not need to
be placed under bond to fulfill his pledge. There
is a good deal of stage play about the difficulty
of finding Mr. Rockefeller, whenever appear
ance at court Is desired, but somehow or other
he does not fail to present himself when ho is
really wanted. At the same time, he naturally
dislikes tho idea of being put on the stage for
unnecessary gratification of popular curiosity."
Then what about that alleged effort on tho
part of Attorney General Hadley of Missouri
to secure Mr. Rockefeller's testimony? Does
the Journal mean to intimate that Mr. Rocke
feller was not "really wanted" by Mr. Hadley?
As a matter of fact is it not plain that Mr.
Rockefeller sought to evade the writ Issued from
Judge Landis' court and intended to hide out
as he did in the Missouri case? It Is not diffi
cult to believe that Mr. Rockefeller surrendered
simply because his advisors learned that Judge t
Landis would not relent and that the game of'
hide-and-seek in this instance would attract such
wide-spread attention and ctir up such a bitter
public sentiment that criminal prosecution tho
ono thing feared by the arrogant monopolist
would be deirtanded by the people. J
OOOO ''"
ALTi ALONG THE LINE .
The New York Press advises Judge Landis
to assess a merely nominal fine against the
Standard Oil trust on the theory that a heavy
fine would bd but a tax upon the consumers of
oil.
Would It be wise for a court to confess
society's helplessness in the presence of well
dressed rogues?
How w,oild it do for Judge Landis (to as
sess a finehof $29,000,000 In the proceeding
now before 4the qourt and then instruct the
United States district attorney to .proceed
against he. individual officers of the ,011 , trust,
causing thejr, arrest and nrosecution under, tho
criminal clause of the Sherman anti-truqt'law?
OOOO
1 TIME FOR .ACTION
John W. Gates, formerly at the head of tho
Illinois Steel company, charges that of the metal
now used for the manufacture of steel rails not
more than ');wo-thirds is good material. Ac
cording to Mr. Gates, by the use of this inferior
material the steel trust saves from ten to twenty
per cent.
The Railway Gazette boldly charges tho
steel trust with responsibility for the great loss
of life through Tailroad wrecks. Following are
extracts frorn the Gazette editorial:
"There is no individual or company which
knows better how to make a good rail than does
the steel corporation, with its splendid army of
experts; nevertheless it knowingly makes rails
which break and kill people.
" "Specifications as furnished by the railroad
companies are totally disregarded, and rails, es
pecially in the new and heavier sections, are
furnished with spots in them so full of impuri
ties and so brittle that they must necessarily
break when subjected to the strain of traffic.
The steel company knows this quite well."
The Gazette distributes the responsibility
in this way: "First, the criminal willingness of
the steel corporation and)the companies allied
with it to manufacture- rails that cost human
life; second," the attitude almost equally crimi
nal on the part of many high railroad officers
to ignore the plain truths that are being
brought beforo 'thom by their superintendents
and chief engineers."
It is also charged that this samo steel trust
soils to Japan perfect rails and at ten dollars
per ton below tho prico charged in tho United
States. Yet these men who exact excessivo toll
front tho American consumer; who soil good
rails at a low prico to tho forolgner and in
ferior rails at a high prico to tho Amorlcan;
thoso men who "knowingly make rails that kill
peoplo" thoso aro tho "captains of Industry,"
tho "guardians of tho national honor,"' tho
"trustees of God!"
Does it not occur to tho thoughtful Amer
ican citizen that it is high timo tho trusts which
find shelter in tho tariff be destroyed and that;
tho men who "knowingly mako rails that kill
peoplo" be hold personally responsible for their
crimes?
OOOO
PALPABLE HITS
On tho witness stand boforo Judge Landis,'
John D. Rockefeller said that while ho la presi
dent of the Standard Oil company the position
Is "purely honorary" and ho professed ignor
ance of tho company's affairs.
On leaving tho witness stand Mr. Rocke
feller "promptly joined Vico President John D.
Arcjubold in a signed statement declaring:
"SInco tho enactment of tho interstate corn,-,
morco law in 1887 the Standard Oil comparjy
has most carefully ohsorved its provisions and.
in no case has wilfully violated tho law." '!t
Commenting upon thoso facts, tho ,Ndf
York World makes several palpable hits when,
It says: , ,,
"Now If Mr. Rockefeller, who admits that,
he has been a dummy president for ton years,
can not tell what aro tho capital and dlvldonds
of the Standard Oil matters of common knowl
edge and public record how does ho kndw for
sure that the Standa d Oil has most carofuJJy;c
observed the provisions of the Interstate cpm,
morco act? What weight does, he Imaglno his
assurances can carry?
"As for Vico President Archbold and Mr.
Huckcf oiler's other partuoro, limy have ropeatr.
cdly denied with-virtuous 'indignation niut-tw
Standard Oil has engaged in rebating a was
charged in Commissioner Garfield's report, yet
the Standard Oil has boon recently convicted
by a. United States jury on some 1,400 counts
ii) connection with these very charges.
"Possibly Mr. Rockefeller is as unfamiliar
as he appears with the present management of
tho Standard Oil. Is he displeased with it now
that the Standard Oil is convicted of violating
thd law on a wholcsalo scale? If so, how will
his displeasure manifest itself toward his sub
ordinates? Will he give proof of his sincerity
by remaining the dummy president of a law
breaking trust while' both confident of its .law
abiding principles and unconcerned about Its' big
dividends." ' ,
STILL A BOY
1 1
t .. 1 . t : ) hi',
if ui"SUH a boy," wo heard ono say , &.
T',tr;j To another; half in Jest. -j ,
jlF Then fun-wrinkles joined in play ' ,.
I With a laugh of merry zest; ,. . .
And the jolly frame of him ' 1 ,
Shook with bursts of sheerest joyv , -
As ho answered back with vim, k
oi- "Well, I'm glad I'm still a boy!-" -j
jw- ' .
II iStlll a boy aye, true enough i
f Glad, yet gentle; pure and kind;
Molded sure of manly stuff
Kind of boy It's hard to find.
Kind of boy it's good to see i
. Man-boy, wholesome, simple, true i
' ' Kind of boy you'd like to be
- If the choice were leit to you.
Still a boy how many now
- - Have forgot the solemn eye
Have forgot tho wrinkled brow
Is the boy's that once came by? '
Call hlnvback It is his due;
Let him come with youth and joy
Ba'ck into the heart of you,
Laughingly, and still a boy.
l
I
t
Still a boy ah, well-aday,
Boys are scarce enough at best.
With the rippling roundelay
Let the boy still be your guest;
Let him cleave unto your heart
In boy-confidence and hold -Still
a boy the man apart,
Long, long after he Is old.
. Frank Bates Flanner In The Reader.
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