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JUNE 28, 190T
The Commoner
' -V J'!b "'' '- ' T "
forms of larceny takes money that does not
belong, to him and for which ho renders no
service. " -
The editor of the Journal of Finance says:
"The only real evils connected with the grain
trade are the parasitical bucketshops, which
have no dealings in actual commodities, but
simply are gambling houses where customers
place their bets on market fluctuations. If Mr.
Bryan would direct hia attention merely to those
immoral institutions and work with his political
friends to secure their suppression, and not de-
nounce "speculation in general nor deride the
business tf legitimate exchanges, ho might per
form a service of great value to the country."
Mr. Bryan is opposed to the bucket shop,
not because it interferes with the board of trade
gambling, but because it Is doing on a small
scale .what some of the boards of trade do on
a large scale. The evil of the bucket shop lies
In the fact that it conducts gambling transac
tion's, and it is no worse for a bucket shop to
conduct gambling transactions than, for the
. board of trade to conduet'tthem. Boards of
trade and chambers of commerce are necessary.
Both the farmer and the consumer need a mar
ket place where the farmer can sell what he
- has to sell, and where the consumer can buy
what he needs to buy. When thesd institu
tions are conducted upon ' a legitimate basis,
they are a blessing td the community, but when
"with legitimate transaction illegitimate transac
tions are mixed1; when speculation pure and
siihple or more plainly speaking, gambling, con
stitutes the large percentage of the transactions,
the blessing of the board of trade or chamber
of commerce is very much alloyed.
The injustice to the farmer and to the con
sumer has been mentioned, but what of the de
moralizing influence of these gambling transac
tions upon the community at large? Every vil
lage can furnish examples of men who have .
vbeen ruined by speculation on the board of trade.
The fact that the small speculator must pay a
, commission when he buys and another whenv
he soils whether he wins or loses insures bank
ruptcy Jn the end, and the fact that he is on
the outside while the manipulators of the mar-
" ket are on the Inside puts him in the position
of playing against loaded dice. The ordinary
gambling has no Journal of Finance to defend
it, .and yet, its work is not more destructive to
morals.: and "in some respects not so injurious
to. society as the gambling that is carried on
in" some of the chambers of commerce and boards
of trade.
Mr. Bryan accepts the Invitation of the ed
itor of the Journal of Finance and will help
do what he can to suppress the bucket shop.
Will the editor of the Journal of Finance help
to suppress the .speculation which partakes of
gambling and thus separate 'legitimate ex
changes" from the illegitimate transactions
which disturb the natural laws of trade and
bring widespread ruin to individuals ' who are
lured into the game by the respectability which
journals of finance throw about it.
oooo
THE TARIFF
There are some tarifE reformers whom it
Is impossible to please. They not only want
the tariff question made an issue but they want"
it made the only issue and, strange to say, they
are for the most part men who supported Presi
dent McKinley, the high priest of protection
.when the money question was declared by the
'democrats to be the paramount issue. If you
talk to these tariff reformers about the trust
question, they at once become conservative and
.-express fear lest business may -be disturbed by
Any attack upon monopolies. If you Buggest
xailroad regulation, they are inclined to think
jfchat enough has been done in that direction
,and that the subject is-not very important any
Slow. Even imperialism does not stir them very
'deeply, for what are the principles of govern
ment when compared with a tax. upon the mer
chandise? Such tariff reformers are always
Complaining that the democratic party does not
tut enough emphasis upon" the tariff question,
sand yet, they have spent the last twelve year
in weakening the democratic party and in
.prophesying its annihilation'. During this time,,
however, the democratic party has gone Jalb'ifg
Including the tariff question amoifg the issues
idiscussed but: recognizing that it was not we
only issue and in two campaigns, at least, not
the paramount issue. Events have increased 'ts
prominence during the last few years, and it
jwill doubtless occupy a more conspicuous posi
tion in the next campaign than it has since 1892.
JChe party's position on the tariff was strongly
stated in '92. but the president, when elected
on that.platform. refused, to. call congress to-r -fether
to, carry out a policy upon, which the
party was united, but did call congress together
to force through a policy upon which tho
party was divided. . v
Tariff reform sontimont is growing. The
protective principle is weaker than it has been
before in a generation, and a demand for tariff
reform may be more urgent than in recent years.
Every excuse that has from time to time been
given for tho extortion practiced under tho tariff
schedules has been worn out, and there are now
no new excuses to offer. There is no doubt that
the party's position will be strongly stated in
the next campaign and courageously defend
ed, but it is not likely that tho question will bo
declared to bo paramount. It Is really a part
of the trust question, and the trust question
can not well be considered apart from the tariff
question any more than the tariff question can bo
considered apart from the trust question.
The question of railroad regulation is also
a part of the trust question, for the protective
tariff and the railroad discrimination have con
tributed largely to the -growth and prosnerity
of -the trusts. These three questions are closely
united, and they raise the same issue, namely
whether the government shall be administered
in the interest of the whole people or In thef
Interest of a few. The friends of tariff reform
ought to join with the opponents of the trusts
and the advocates of railroad regulation and
make a fight for the application of democratic ,
principles to all of these questions. There will
be tariff reform enough In the next campaign
to please any genuine tariff reformer, and thero
ought to be no quarrel as to the relative Impor
tance. They are all Important, and no one in
terested in any one of these questions should
waste his energy by abusing the persons inter
ested in the other questions. Thero will bo
glory enough for all if a victory ban be won for
the democratic maxim, "Equal rights to all and
special privileges to none."
OOOO
WHAT WILT, IT STAND FOR?
What will the republican party stand for .
in the next campaign? Vlll its platform con
tain a frank and candid statement of the party's
purposes, or will it contain simply a eulogy of
the party's past and leave the p,ublic in. doubt
as to the, party's intentions?. When President
Roosevelt was elected in ID 04, his platform was
about as vague and Indefinite as any platform
ever written. He was not committed to anything
In the way,of reform, and his way has been a
thorny one because he was accused of attempt
ing things which the people had not instructed
him to undertake. Will the party learn a les
son from the past and instruct Its next candi
date as to what should be done? It is not
always safe to . start a commander out with
sealed instructions. Such a policy may be ex
cusable in war, but it Is not defensible in the
ordinary operation of government. Platforms
are of no use except as they disclose the plans
and, purposes of those who write them. Let
us have a republican platform that is explicit
and definite and a candidate representative of
the platform. Then if the democrats will adopt
the same course, we can have a contest in which
the people can choose and in their choice can
act Intelligently.
Where does, the republican party, stand?
What is it going to stand for? To what policies
will it commit itself.
"" - OOOO
THE JAPANESE QUESTION
It-is reported that the Jingoists of Japan
are attempting to make political capital out of
the occasional disturbances in which Japanese
along the coast have been assaulted by Amer
icans. The political, opponents of the present
administration in Japan are, it is said, demand
ing redress or war with the hope of overthrow
ing the ministry. It will not be creditable to
the intelligence of the Japanese . people if they
can be led into hostility to the American people
as'a result of occasional clashes between Japa
nese and Americans. It is not necessary to state
any alternative because the American sense of
justice will insure the granting of any redress
that the circumstances of the case may justify.
It is not a very deep seated friendship that can
be, converted- into .enmfty on so slight a pretext.
If there is sentiment in Japair which can be
aroused tp unfriendliness, by an agitation started
for political effect then Japan's attachment to
our coun'try ha been overestimated. The people
of Japan are a reading people,and they ought
to know that in a land of eighty millions of
people it is not possible to prevent an occasional
act of violence, and they must not charge up
to the 'entire people the crimes of a few.
The American people have no intention of
doing injusticcio the-Japanesetor to anyt other
people sojourning among us, but the readlzfess
with which Iheno Incidents are soized upon and
exaggerated may bring an ontiroly different re
sult from that oxpoctcd or desired by Japan.
If tho admission of tho Japanese is to subject
us to tho danger of a war, many will bo brought
to oppose Japanese immigration who have here
tofore been indifferent upon tho subject. Our
nation can not afford to admit people whoso
presence hero is likely to become a cause of .
war. No boneflts that Japaneso Immigration
can, confor upon us can compensate for a for
eign war or for constant diplomatic compllca-'
tions. Tho more tho Japanese politicians
threaten war and reprisal, tho more they en
courage an antl-Japaneso sontimont in tho
United States. Tho American . people want to
llvo on terms of friendship with all nations.
They have taken a pride in tlio progress of
Japan because they feel that they have con
tributed somewhat to that progress by tholr
example and advice. They arc so anxious to
remain on friendly terms with Japan that thoy
will oppose immigration with great unanimity
If Immigration is found to bo a source of irri
tation. Tho statesmen of Japan are short
sighted, indeed, If thoy think thoy can improve
-Japan's relations with the United States by
an exaggeration of every dimculty that-occurs
between a Japanese and an American. This is
an Unfriendly attitude, and nothing but friend
ship can beget friendship.
OOOO
A STEP TOWARDS SIMPLICITY . ' ,
A special dispatch to the Chicago Record-,
Herald informs tho public that the president
used last year only about $8,000 of tho $25,000
appropriated for his traveling expenses. Then
follows a significant paragraph:
"There has been a material change in
the style in which the presidont travels.
When the railroads furnished the transport
ation all arrangements were lavish In tho"
extreme, the railroads vying with each
other in tho entertainment provided. Spe-'
.cial trains were not uncommon, and '
Bpeclal schedules were frequently pre
pared for the president. Now it is differ
ent. The president, paying his own way,
travels quietly. His Pullman bills are. not, A
largorhis car is hitched to' regular trains,
the service Is simple, the meals plain, and'.,
the president enjoys 'himself jus,t as much.'"r
This Is encouraging. The nation will wel
come greater simplicity in tho presidential office.
Why should railroads vie with each other in
lavish expenditures on a special train? Because
the president is In a position to be of service
to the railroads, and when they are promotod
to greater favor by largo expenditures, thoy
endeavor to make the impression deep and last
ing. Now tho president travels quietly and
not only enjoys himself "Just as much" but Is
relieved of any feeling of obligation to the rail
roads, 'iho more simple public life can be made,
the better. According to the American theory
of government the official Is the servant of the
people, and it is a little inconsistent to say
the" least to have the servant arrayed In purple
and fine linen and faring sumptuously every day
while tho sovereign people dre hustling around
to get enough money together to pay the next in
stallment of taxes. If, instead of aping the mon
archies and aristocracies of the old world' we
brought public life into keeping with our theory
of government, we would make a more pro
found impression upon the world than wo- do.
There is a wide zone between a dignified but
economical public service and- the wasteful ex
travagance which is being cultivated by -those
who are ambitious to live like the officials of
Europe.
oooo
' . THE WOOD WINDS . '? ,
I. '." - .
The wood winds sing and the tree tops sigh;
And the rustling leaves breathe a I&laby&
And the songs they sing are sweet o me, .'' "
For ever they breathe of mystery, " ' i
Tho mystery of unknown years,
And years .agone with doubts and fears;
Ever I hear- In my wandering
Thai -stories ttfld When the wood winds sing.
Ij..f U . ' II. ' '
There wljere the wood winds sing and sigh, r
'jtfhd .'Swaying; .pjn'es lean to. the sky; '
'Ttierd where' the, tyup glints thro' the leaves.
And moss to the old dead tree trunk cleaves, -Is
Mother Earth and the cooling sod
Wherethe soul finds peace for it's near to God!
And sweet is the restfulness they bring, t
The. croonin&.songs-. thAt-ttLcwood. winda-sing;. , -."
L Will F. Griffin in Milwaukee 'Sentinel.-'
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