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'APRIL 12, 190
The Commoner.
15
SV"
HARRIMAN-ROOSEVELT MATTER
HARRIMAN MONEY '
Mr. Harriman gave Ills pwn cieck
for $50,000 anl aided in securing $150,-
000 more from friends of Mr. Depew.
President Roosevelt had written him
not long before, "You and I are prac
tical men." Being a practical man,
Mr. Harriman assumed that he had
clinched a bargain when he paid down
his cash, and he assumed that Presi
dent Roosevelt, being a "practical
man," would take the same view.
President Roosevelt in his letter to
Representative Sherman says: "I
never requested Mr. narriman to raise
a dollar for the presidential campaign
of 1904." Mr. Harriman in his letter
to Sidney Webster says that the money
he raised was turned oyer to Chair
man Cortelyou and that it "enabled
the New York state committee to con
tinue its work, with the result that at
least 50,000 votes were turned over in
New York city alone, making a dif
ference of 100,000 votes in the general
xesult" New York World.
UGLY
The controversy between Jhe presi
dent and Mr.. Harriman is an ugly
one, but Is, jn-my' opinion, but pnother
attempt' pi the interests to destroy the
president, whom they hate. My opin
ion of President Roosevelt from close
xange observation of his personality
and motives is too firmly fixed in his
favor to believe, on the unsupported
word of a Harriman, tnat no is any
thing but the firm, frank, courageous
statesman the people of the country
have come to regard him. Yet we
should wait until the record of the
Harriman episode is fully made up
and we have had time for its proper
consideration before a definite judg
ment is pronounced.-r-Former Senator
T. M. Patterson in -Denver News.
NO MATTER
These charges about the raising and
the spending of money in the cam
paign of 1904 are of no concern to the
people in 1907. National canvasses
cost a good deal of money, and thou
sands of persons join in contributing
this money. St. Louis Globe-Democrat.
proof posltvc that the New York Life
was held up for that sum, and it is not
unreasonable to suppose that Mr. Har
riman was made to contribute his
share. All the other men of his wealth
were made to contribute at the same
time to the same purpose, and it Is not
reasonable to believe that he, alone,
should be permitted to escape.
It's a little hard on him now that
he should have brought on himself
such vituperation from such high quar
ters when the president benefited so
greatly by his services. Louisville
(Ky.) Times.
confidentially an intimation Hint the
president hnd assumed toward him
an obligation which was not kept
Hence the president's indignation and
the fireworks.
The pathway of practical politics Is
bestrewn with such Incidents, but they
are not often picked up and made Into
a newspaper story. When they are the
result is Interesting, but not edifying.
Sioux City (la.) Journal.
- ROUGH QN HARRIMAN
-Mr. Harriman has not, it is true, a
ieputation for truth and veracity that
will stand a severe test, but he brings
forward an array of proof to support
his contention that Mr. Roosevelt held
him up for $50,000 personally and per
suaded him to raise an additional $150,
000 in the 1904 campaign which will
convince no small number of people
of the truth of his statements regard
less of the viciousness with whichthe
president calls him a liar. Mr. Per
kins' restitution of $50,000 is in itself
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A SINISTER LIGIIT
E. II. Ilarriman's letter to Sidney
Webster, published In tlie World this
morning, throws a sinister light on
that connection between high finance
and politics, of which we have heard
so much in the last three years. If
Mr. Ilarriman's tale be true, President
Roosevelt personally appealed "to him
for help about a week before the elec
tion of 1904. The candid Harriman
explained that the 'up-state" republi
can leaders of New York were unwil
ling to support Depew for re-election,
and President Roosevelt graciously
promised to "take care" of Depew by
making him ambassador to "Prance.
Thereupon Harriman returned to New
3fork, subscribed $50,000 to the repub
lican campaign fund, informed the
friends of Depew as to the crisis, and
secured, with their help, $150,000 more;
The money, says Mr. Harriman,
turned about 50,000 votes-in New York
city, and thus made a difference of
300,000 in the total result. Later Pres
ident Roosevelt decided that he would
rather haye Depew senator from ISfew
"York than" ambassador to France.
There is one thing which Mr. Harri
man does not explain: the method by
which his fund turned 50,000 votes,
no speaks of putting $50 info an elec
tion district, "not including the watch
ers on election day." Can it be that
the $50 was used for the purchase of
votes? President Roosevelt cannot,
of course, rest easy till he knows that
the money was spent for "legitimate"
purposes. We now see why Depew
made such an outcry over the proposal
to drop him out of the senate. He
had helped out the campaign al a crit
ical moment, and was entitled to a
reward. We understand why Presi
dent Roosevelt wanted to send Depew
to France. His own election and in
cidentally the safety of the republic
was hanging in the balance. But why
did the president change his, mind af
ter the country had been saved? We
should like to know. New York Even
ing Post.
NOT EDIFYING
Without attempting to decide be
tween the conflicting testimony, there
are some facts -which appear reason
ably clear: The president was on
cordial terms with Mr. Harriman in
1904 and was glad to enlist his aid
in clearing up the New, York situa
tion. Mr. narriman was ready to
help and did help. He believed the
Depew appointment was to be made
in accordance with his wishes. He
feit resentment toward the president
because the appointment was not
made, and also felt aggrieved when
the president proceeded to "jump on
him" in various ways later. On the
other hand one may assume that the
president felt he was under no obliga
tion to Mr. Harriman for what the
latter hnd done in the New York cam
paign, thinking perhaps that it was hi
Odell's interest more than in the pres
ident's. Moreover, the president felt
under no -obligation to decide the De
pew question otherwise than strictly
on merit, as he doubtless did. The
president feels resentment toward Mr.
Harriman for passing around even
WHENCE
There Is this Important feature
which amid the Intense personalities,
should not be lost to view. Everyone
knows vast sums of money were col-
letced to run the presidential republi
can campaign of 1904. The sources of
some of that corruption fund hae
been unearthed. The public is not in
terested so much as to whether or not
Mr. Roosevelt asked Mr. Harriman to
raise $250,000 for the campaign fund.
The point Js, did he raise It and If bo
who wore the contributors and to
whom was It paid? In short who were
the beneficiaries of this great corrup
tion fund? Wheeling (W. Va.) Register.
Slorer correspondence. It Is Interest
ing, and it will cause a lot of talk, but
no good purpose has been conscrvcdi
by printing it AH but the final letter
or statement on each side were writ
ten confidentially. In the present In
stance Mr. Harriman, unlike the Slor
crs, must be held blameless for the
publication. The narriman letter to
Sidney Webster was stolen by a dis
charged employe of Mr. Harriman,
sold to a yellow newspaper and printed
in spite of the protests of Mr. Harri
man. The printing of it was a dis
reputable piece of business. It Is only
fair to Mr. Harriman to stale that the
letter, which has caused ho much ex
citement obviously was written with
no thought of publication. Sioux City
(lu.) Journal.
LIKE THE STORER EPISODE
The Roosevelt-Harrlman correspond
ence reminds one of the Roosevelt-
CREDITABLE
The" president emerges from the af
fair with entire credit to himself as
a public man. Mr. Harriman on the
other hand, could not be more thor
oughly discredited than he already
was by the revelations he himself made
of his railroad operations, and by the
revelations of the Insurance investiga
tion as to his sinister influence on
New York politics and national finance.
Minneapolis Journal.
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