4
The Commoner.
VOLUME C; NUMBER J
4
o.lHHVJ
S3K3B
AND LINCOLN IS THEIR PATRON SAINT!
Republican clubH throughout the country cele
brated Abraham Lincoln's birthday, and every
where republican orators pointed to Lincoln as
their patron saint. The speeches of theso repub
lican orators would have been Tar more Interest
ing had tho orators undertaken to Justify the
present-day policies of their party and tho
molhods of Its leaders In Mr. Lincoln's'
speeches and writings. Tt is a fact that from
theso spcochos and writings may bo obtained
most striking condemnation for tho present-day
policies of tho Republican party and the methods
of lis inanngcrs.
It is tho habit of republican leaders to pre
dict a panic in efforts to ward off some proposed
reform. In his letter to Truman Smith, Novem
ber 10, 18G0, Mr. Lincoln, rororring to such
threats, said that nothing was to be gained by
"fawning around tho respectable scoundrels"
who are responsible for panics, and ho added:
"lot thorn' go to work and repair tho mischief
of thoir own making, and then perhaps they will
bo less greedy to do tho like again."
Republican leaders havo been very partial to
appoals of tho "full dinner-pall" ordor, but in
u speech dollvered August 31, 1S(M, Mr. Lincoln
said: "I bog of you not to allow your minds or
your hearts to bo diverted from tho support of all
necessary measures for tho purpose (the discharge
of ono's duty to his government) by any miser
able plcayuno arguments addressed to your
pockets or inflamatory appeal macio to your pas
sions and your prejudices."
Republican leaders have co-operated in the
offorts of certain large employers to coerce their
employes. In a letter written July 4, 1864, Mr.
Lincoln said: "My wish is that you will do just
us you think lit with your own suffrage in tho
case, and not constrain any of your subordinates
to other than he thinks fit with his."
Mr. Lincoln condomned the republican party's
present-day Indifference for the masses and its
advocacy of special favors for the classes when,
in his speech Of July 4, 1861, he protested against
tills deliberate pressing out of view the rights
of men and the authority of the people," and
pleaded for a system that will "afford all an un
fettered start and a fair chance in the race of
Mo. Also, when in another mossago ho wrote:
I desire to preserve this government that it may
ho administered for all as it was administered
by tho men who made it." Also, when in a
Tnetenell?n (1 AugUB,t ,22' 18u4 ilG demanded
an open field and a fair chance for industry
enterprise and intelligence" in order that "an
!Vmy0 ,Gq!u,11 sieges! in the race of 1 o wit
all its deslrablo human aspirations."
nnn?0ifn,,loil ? ProtCBt asalnst tho republican
arty doctrine of today when m a speech de-
verod October 1G, 1854, ho said: "I Est that
if there is anything that is the duty of the
SS,0thWC iTt?P IntrUSt t0 hantfth"ir
own tmit thing is tho preservation and nornetu-
ity of their own liberties and institutions." P
He spoke in direct contradiction to
Iho theory of present-day republican Kra when
in a speech delivered SeptemDer w ism !I
said: "The people of thek UiUted sta es' are
the rightfu masters of both congress and courts
not to overthrow tho constitution but to overthrow
tho men who prevert the constitution."
In direct contradiction to tho tneory of nres.
ent-day republican leaders Mr. Lincoln in his
annual message, December 3, 1801, said:
"Labor is prior to and Independent of
capital. Capital is only the rruit of labo7
and could never havo existed if labor had
not first existed. Labor is tne superior of
capita and deserves much tho highest con
sideration. No men living are moi-e worthy
to be trusted than those who toll up from
poverty; none less inclined to take or touch
might which they havo not honestly earned
Let them bewaro of surrendering a nolitioni
power which they already possess and w cS
...w 4 ,. .muuiuuiin'iu against such nq timv
SltotmX,SWf !l!sabilities and bunlens upon
them till all of liberty shall be lost."
Some of the t.hlno- at n.,,. ,, . ..
speech dollvered at Now Ilavo n rn Tr m, llls
I860, do not t J $Z&
Mean doctrine. For instance on that occasion he
said:
"I do net believe in law to prevent a man
from getting rich; it would do more harm
than good. So while wo do not propose any
war upon capital, we do wish to allow the
humblest man an equal chance to get rich
with everybody else. When one starts poor,
as most do in the race of life, rree society is
such that he knows he can better his con
dition; he knows that there is no fixed condi
tion of labor for his whole life. I am not
ashamed to confess that twenty-five years
ago I was a hired laborer, mauling rails; at
work on a flat boat just what might happen
to any poor man's son. I want every man
to have the chance in which ho can better
his condition, when he may look forward and
hope to be a hired laborer this year and the
next, work for himself afterwards, and finally
to hire men to work for him. That is the
true system."
The utter indifference manifested by present
day republican leaders toward the constitution
and the impunity with which they disregard the
explicit provisions of that document find strong
and repeated condemnation in Mr. Lincoln's ut
terances. In a speech delivered September 15,
1858, he said:
"What do you understand by supporting
the constitution of a state or or the United
States? Ig it not to give such constituional
helps to the rights established by that con
stitution as may be practically needed? Can
you, if you swear to support tne constitution
and believe that the constitution establishes
a right, clear your oath witnout giving it
support? Do you support the constitution if,
knowing or believing there hs a right estab
lished under it which needs specific legisla
tion, you withhold that legislation? Do you
not violate and disregard your oath? I can
conceive of nothing plainer in tne world."
In his inaugural address, March 4, 1861, he
said: "Continue to exercise all the express pro
visions of our national constitution and the union
will endure forever it being impossible to de
stroy it except by some action not provided for
in the instrument itself."
There is a marked difference between the
contempt shown for the Declaration of Inde
pendence by the present-day republican leaders
and the reverence shown for that document by
Mr. Lincoln. In a speech delivered at Philadel
phia, February 22, 1861, he said: "All the political
sentiments I entertain have been drawn so far
as I have been able to draw them from the sen
timents which originated and were given to the
world from this (Independence) hall. I have
never had a feeling, politically, that did not
spring from the sentiments embodied in the Dec
laration of Independence." In a speech delivered
8riSh7'n?68' he SiaiVhat ePmaxims as to
the right of a people to life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness "were the just rules to be
FSSlt" ,? (r SPeechU delivered
leoiuaiy zi, 1861, he said: "1 nope I shall do
nothing inconsistent with the teachings of these
(Independence Hall) holy and most sacred walls
MS frget its mSS anHS
tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth if ever I
prove false to those teachings."
uoo Lincln' unlile the managers of the renub
"VlJy today did not believe that sSch men
tL he ??,erB and other liberl contributors tS
flee from ti 7, Jr,lninl " BtoSl face tS
for .enslaving another mce it fa thD2,0Sy
tyrannical principle." he same
poweSogYveiftoThem0 GXfCUt!Ves to .rp
in a letter wiitte V nrdflnined
3S48. In that letter ho said ln PobPuary 15'
"The provlsJpn of the constitution giving
tho war-making power to congress was dic
tated as I understand it by the following
reasons: Kings had always been involving
and impoverishing their people in wars, pre
tending generally, if not always, that tho
good of the people was the object. This .
our convention understood to be the most op
pressive of all kingly oppressions, and they
resolved to so frame the constitution that no
man should hold the power of bringing this
oppression upon us. But your view destroys
tiro whole matter and places our president
where kings have always stood."
He provided an answer to the present-day
republican sneer at self-government when in a
speech delivered October 16, 1854, he said:
"What I do say is that no man Is good
enough to govern another man without that
other's consent. I say this is the leading
principle, the sheet-anchor of. American re
publicanism." He provided a strong criticism of the present-day
zeal for colonialism when m a speech de
livered August 21, 1858, he protested against any
thing which "deprives our republican example o
it just influence in the world ana enables tho
enemies of free institutions, with plausibility, to
taunt us as hypocrites, causes the real friends of
freedom to doubt our sincerity, and especially
because it forces so x many good men among our
selves into an open war with the very funda
mental principles of civil liberty, criticising the
Declaration of Independence and insisting that
there is no right principle of action but self
interest." The republican national platform of 1900, re
ferring to the people of our new possession's prom
ised "the largest measure or self-government
consistent with their welfare and our duties
shall be secured to them by law' In a speech
delivered July 10, 1858, Mr. Lincoln referred to
such arguments as these in the following words:!
.. "Those arguments that are made, that
the inferior race are to bo treated with as
much allowance as they are capable of en
joying, that as much is to be done for them
as their condition will allow wnat are these
arguments? They are the arguments that
kings have made for enslaving the people
in all ages of the world. You will find that
all the arguments in favor of kingcraft were
of this class; they always bestrode the necks
of the people, not- that they wanted to do it,
but because the people were better off '
Sent Tg rldd Flat is theh' argu
Sm i m Tlirn to whatever way you
will-whether it come from the mouth of a
of m. S aU ,excuse 'op enslaving the people
of his country, or from the mouths of men
oi one race as a reason for enslavinir tliP
STrpen0"an0t"er raC0' Is a" SS oil
When the republican leader claims Lincoln as
his party's patron saint, he means that hi m
will take advantage of whatever prestise It mav
CAUCUS AND MACHINE
republican leaders, the Philadelphia PuhifT GSe
hits the nail on the head when t say I
manifestation of independence aI!i', SonlG
lican senators on the imnortSt m35 1G repub"
cy might be really tap?tant" " f Po11'
leaded ff a' a!8?ty? eBe fepub"ca
caucus to undertake to descX n" a demoatic
action for senators represent JEfT1 Hne of
Party. Democratic senators mum IlenodenlocratIc
independence and vote in SIS af ert theIr
tates of their conscience- but 2,With tne aic'
way set aside all consclentioU Tb"?n seDltors
cumb to republican party aiscinifnUPles. and suc'
ministration club. discipline or to the ad-
Of course no one would nnrinnfov x
a democratic senator should l"f,c ,to say that
of a caucus resolution votlVnStln S1? Psence
with their partv rnachinn nL ,' r Votes ln ""e
against tl1erbetreMnlBm'enn,t?In """ lnstanc-
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