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most severely tho injustice of present conditions.
Tho oBtontntlous display of wealth, which has been
acquired without tho rendition of an equivalent
sorvico, and tho mutterings and threatenings of
thoso who feel aggrieved by present industrial
conditions theso disturb tho peace of the nation
and furnish a somber background for our much
Vaunted "prosperity."
Tenantry is increasing and landlordism is
growing. Men who liavo enjoyed the favoritism
of the government are obtaining control of the
land, erecting groat blocks and buildings, and
renting to thoso who havo been disinherited.
Gambling upon the market is being substi
tuted for productive industry, and men who
neither sow nor reap, but simply control the mar
kot aro gradually swallowing up tho earnings of
thoso who aro obeying tho injunction to earn their
bread in the sweat of tho faco.
So great is tho greed for gain that food is
boing adulterated regardless of its effect on
health and safety appliances aro being neglected
that dividends may be larger.
Fabulous fortunes and destitution aro found
on tho same square mile, and while costly dinners
and extravagant entertainments are being given
in one part of tho city thousands aro dying for
lack of proper food in tho very shadow of the
palaces. Hundreds of thousands of children aro
forced into tho factory and tho mine when they
ought to bo in school; tho sweatshop is killing its
tens of thousands and were theso not made in
tho imago of God? Mr. Robert Hunter quotes
statistics to show that in tho largest city in tho
Union as many as one in every ten is buried in
tho potter's field, and yet tho revelry goes on.
Not only aro vast fortunes being made from
tho operation of special legislation, or in tho ab
sence of laws that should bo enacted, but our
federal systems of taxation are so designed
as to bear lightest upon those best able to
pay, and tho heaviest upon tho masses.
Nearly all tho revenues of tho federal government
aro collected from taxes upon consumption, and
taxes upon consumption are levied in proportion
to tho needs of men rather than in proportion to
their possessions. For years tho manufacturers
have claimed tho right to dictate tho tariff sched
ules in their own interest while the consumers
have, for tho most part, sold their goods in an
open market and bought in a restricted market.
Corruption at tho polls is widespread. The
retiring governor of Indiana sent a message to
the legislature last winter in which he declared
that in some counties of his state a large per
centage of the voters was purchasable in one
county nearly 25 per cent In some precincts of
Delaware as many as 50 per cent of tho voters are
purchasable, while repeating and fraudulent count
ing havo been unearthed in a.number of cities.
With the reign of predatory wealth has come
corruption, municipal, state and national. Obtain
ing enormous largesses from the various govern
ments, the great corporations are able to supply
largo campaign funds and these campaign funds
pollute the suffrage and bribe officials elected with
the aid of such funds.
Corruption is the natural and legitimate fruit
of tho perversion of government. Only those who
aro ablo to make tho government a private asset
in business are tempted to contribute largely to
campaign funds. It is a matter of business, and
money given to political parties is charged up to
incidentals. The president of the sugar trust
testified before a senate committee that the sugar
trust gave to the republican party in republican
states and to the democratic party in democratic
states. And in each state, it is needless to say, the
contributions wore made with the expectation of
securing favors in return.
In the city of St. Louis Prosecuting Attorney
(now governor) Folk found that almost tho entire
city council was engaged in boodling. And in
several other cities the condition has been found
to bo almost as bad in Philadelphia probably
worse. In California some of the members of
the legislature wore found to bo guilty of selling
their influence, and in several other legislatures
investigation discloses tho betrayal of public
trust. Three United States senators havo been
indicted for criminal offenses in connection with
their offices.
Tho manufacturers have for a quarter of a
century yielded themselves without protest to tho
fat frying" procoss, and considered it legitimate
to supply the sinews of war for such members of
congress and senators as would agree to reim
burse them through legislation.
Tho federal treasury instead of being em
ployed for the advancement of the public weal is
manipulated by the financiers in their own inter
est, and money unnecessarily collected' !from tho
people is loaned as a matter of favor to the banks
and is thus employed to Subsidize the' financiers
The Commoner.
to oppose a reduction of taxation. Tho money
issuing function of government is selfishly appro
priated by privato corporations until those corpo
rations havo come to recognize as a vested right
tho valuable privilege of controlling the volume of
tho nation's money. Not satisfied with domestic
pastures tho syndicates havo insisted upon in
creasing tho army and enlarging the navy for the
subjugation of distant, races and for the coloniza
tion of lands to whose people no hope of citizen
ship is held out.
This is the situation made known to the public
with increasing clearness by speakers, newspapers
and magazines. What is to be done? Surely it is
time for sober reflection a time for each one to
examine himself and to ask, first, whether he in
dividually is guilty of contributing toward the
evils complained of, and, second, what he can
do as a citizen to accelerate reform. Two things
stand in the way of reform first, lack of knowl
edge, and, second, lack of courage. But as cow
ardice is often founded upon ignorance, the arous
ing of the public to a knowledge of true conditions
and to an understanding of threatened dangers is
tho primary duty. The Commoner is trying to do
its part, bur its influence is small except as it can
enlist tho aid of its readers and through its read
ers and its exchanges .a still larger circle. There
are two ways of arousing interest one is to ap
peal to pecuniary interest, and the other to con
science. At least 95 per cent of the people aro
interested in such an administration of the gov
ernment as will protect each individual in tho
enjoyment of life, liberty and the pursuit of hap
piness. The farmer has nothing to gain by legis
lative favoritism. His interest is not in getting
his hands into somebody else's pockets, but in.
keeping other people's hands out of his pockets.
The laboring men are almost without exception
deeply interested in a policy that will recognize
the equal rights of all. The merchant has every
thing to lose and nothing to gain by the monopoliz
ing of the markets, and but few of the professional
men can hope to reap pecuniary benefits from
the unequal distribution of wealth which is now
going on.
To address a pecuniary interest is humiliating
when the appeal can be made upon much higher
ground. When we urge the majority and it is a
vast majority to follow a certain course because
it will help them in pocket, tho minority uses the
arguments as justification for following an oppo
site course for the same reason, and experience
has shown that many are continually deceived as
to the side upon which their pecuniary interests
lie.
An appeal to conscience can bo made to all
to those who profit by existing evils as well as
those who suffer from them, and a moral principle
is much more easily understood than an economic
one.
The Commoner, therefore, appeals to the con
science of its readers and asks their co-operation
in the effort to establish, first, the principle that
each individual owes it to his Creator and to
society to fit himself for the largest possible
service, so strengthening his body, so training his
mind, and so developing his heart as to reach the
maximum of efficiency in his work. Second to
establish the principle that compensation should
bo commensurate with service, each one drawing
from society in proportion as he contributes to
the welfare of society. Third, to establish the doc
trine that a government is a thing made by the
people for themselves, deriving its just poweil
from the consent of the governed and to be used
for the protection of each citizen in the enjoyS
of his natural rights and for the doing jointly S
thoso things which the community can do for itself
better than individuals or corporations can do for
t Four h, to propogate tho doctrine that each
?lnfl!,E f emb?r f tlle par shoulf employ
his influence to the utmost to place his party unon
the right side of every question and to nominate
for office only those who are believed to be caS
of performing the duties of tho office to which
vZlVir and in Sympathy with the common
What can one individual do? That can nnf i,
ascertained except by experiment A Httlecirl
raising her trembling voice to give testimony ft
a small prayer meeting, is credited win, ?
the revival that has swept Zwrtt
Sa wSo SoSme
communities, states and nations revlutIonized
What can bo done? Nnv wi,nf . ,
done? If every reader of S? n not bQ
firmly resolve to dohls political dutvT WlU
it and then will earnestly sbei for ?Sh Sn?f?i8fCeB
.VOLUME 6, NUMBER lj
The Commoner reaches a multitude of poonlo
What an army, if organized for service! How its
tread will shake the strongholds of evil! What
numbers its enthusiasm will inspire!
And how can this army be organized? Not bv
each waiting for the others, but by each beginning
at once. The harvest is waiting. Already there
are signs of a moral awakening; in the presence of
such responsibilities no one should stand idle in
tho vineyard.
J THE TRUE PULITZER
The New York World has an editorial entitled
"The True Jefferson." It was a waste of time
for the World to attempt to tell tho democrats of
the country about Jefferson, for they know a great
deal more about Jefferson and his principles than
Mr. Pulitzer does, if one can judge from the edi
torials that appear in the World. If the World
wants a subject upon which it can speak accur
ately and from personal knowledge, it might givo
us an editorial on "The True Pulitzer." It might
take as its subject the fact that Mr. Pulitzer,
after picking out Judge Parker, telling him what
to say and do, and running the campaign for hirn,
now advises the party to seek -success by follow
ing the same course again. If there is any editor
in the country who ought to be willing to over
look the defeats of 1896 and 1900 it is Mr. Pulitzer.
The party polled nearly a million and a half more
.votes when it had his Btrenuous opposition than
it did when, eight years later, it permitted him to
dictate its policies. As soon as Mr. Pulitzer can
draw his thoughts away from the "greenback
fury," "the free silver mania," "economic rainbow
chasing," "old rotten money delusions," "tho di
vided democracy" and "the complete rout," ho
might take time to pay a glowing tribute to tho
gold telegram which he demanded, and show us
how a return to "safe and sane democracy" united
tho party and brought it to a glorious victory.
If "The True Pulitzer" will discuss questions
upon their merits it will not be necessary to con
sider whether the taking of a righteous position
will bring the party to success or to a "complete
-rout," but when he speaks from the standpoint of
expediency, as he nearly always does, he ought to
bo more modest in giving advice, . for no one has
proved a more dismal failure as a mascot.
JJJ -:
"AT THE OLD STAND"
Some one has been fooling the Wall Street
Journal. That publication says that the United
States senate is "now out of the control of the
forces represented by Aldrich" and that "that face
has been known in the best informed financial
circles ever since the Rhode Island senator's de
parture for Europe while congress was still in
session." The Journal predicts railroad rate leg
islation and other legislation along reform lines at
the next session.
The Journal overlooks the fact that although
Senator Aldrich left for Europe while congress
was in session, the Aldrich machine was "doing
business at the old stand." Had there been the
slightest danger of the Esch-Townsend bill passing
the senate, Senator Aldrich's European trip would
have been postponed. Men who are strong enough
to represent the intr rests for which Senator Aid
rich speaks are not in the habit of rushing to cover
at the first sign of attack; and nothing happened
during the recent senatorial elections to change
the complexion of the senate. With the exception
of the election of LaFollette in Wisconsin and
Warner in Missouri, every republican senator
elected or re-elected was acceptable to the spe
cial interests. It is reasonable to believe that
those who demand legislation affecting these in
terests must be satisfied," so far as the republican
congress is concerned, with whatever favors Sen
ator Aldrich and his associates are inclined to
bestow.
Referring to the Wall Street Journal's remark
able statement, the Washington Post says: "That
some measure providing for the regulation of rail
way rates will be passed by the Fifty-ninth con
gress may be set down as a practical certainty.
That it will be less radical than the bill that was
rushed through the house a few weeks ago, with
the understanding that it should be killed in the
senate, may be counted on with confidence. That
the senate has passed from the control of 'Senator
Aldrich and the forces he represents' that is to
say, of the long-time leaders of that body, i's
brainiest and most experienced statesmen well,
there Is neither certainty nor probability of that.
The prospect of an executive veto of a railroad
rating "bill because the senate has stuffed it with
dangerous radicalism is too remote for serious
consideration."
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