rV $ -TMr-T7FT-"T -Tf "5T"T'llJir'' The Commoner. MAT 19, 1905 A REflEDY FOR THE TRUSTS, For the purposes of this articlo a trust will be 'defined as a' corporation which controls a sufficient quantity of the product or supply of a given ar ticle, not patented, to be able to suspend the law of competition and absolutely or approximattoly control the price of such an article. The patented article is excepted because a patent is granted by the government for the purpose of rewarding the patentee for a contribution made by him to society in general, and it is not only granted for value received by society, but it is limited to 'a term of years. v It will not be necessary to consider at this time what are generally known as natural mo nopolies. These belong to a class quite distinct from corporations in restraint of trade It is difficult to have several water plants, lighting plants, street car systems, or telephone systems in one city without great inconvenience and waste. The railroads also have some of the char acteristics of the natural monopoly, but there is no good reason why all the steel plants, woolen mills, cotton mills, sugar or oil refineries, or crack er or starch factories shoutd be under one man agement. Before seeking a remedy for the trusts it may be well to enumerate the evils for which a remedy is sought. A trust, defined as a private monopoly and a corporation which, although it has not an absolute monopoly, has such a control over the product as to materially affect the price and con ditions of sale, may, without impropriety, be called a monopoly is open to a number of objections. First, the inevitable tendency of a monopoly is to raise the price of the product. It is often said in defense of the Standard Oil company that it has reduced the price of oil. That is not true. In so far as the price of oil has been reduced, it E. has been reduced, not because of trust methods, if but by the inventions which have reduced the cost of refining and permitted the use of by- k products. That the reduction in price would have been greater under free competition than it has V. been under the trust system is evident from the fact that the Standard Oil company, as a rule, sells for less where it has competition than where it has no competition. Selfishness is so widespread in the business world that it is not safe to permit the creation of a monopoly and then rely upon tho benevolence of the monopolist to deal justly with the public. The factthat most trusts begin with the watering of stock is conclusive proof that selfishness is the controlling purpose of the trust. Second, the tendency of a trust is to reduce the price of the raw material used by the trust. If, for instance, all the woolen mills were brought under one management and one purchaser bought wool for all the mills, the natural, if not the inevi table, result would be a reduction in the price of -wool. Cattlemen complain that the beef trust is now operating on this principle. Third, the natural tendency of a trust is to so arbitrarily fix the terms and conditions of labor as to take advantage of the laborer, as well a3 the consumer of the finished product and the pro ducer of the raw material. At first the attack is made upon the labor, organization, and the attack may be supported by high-sounding appeals for the non-union man, but if the labor organization can be destroyed and the trust left to deal with the laboring men as individuals, the result is likely to be disastrous, to the laborer, non-union as well as union. While a trust is able to pay larger wages because of its ability to extort a higher price from the consumer, yet it is no more willing to share this profit with the laborer than it is to forego the collection of it from the con sumer. If one corporation controls all the plants engaged in a certain industry, then the skilled workmen in that industry .have no choice but to work for the one employer, and there is not the same opportunity for advancement that competi tion furnishes. The laboring men justly complain of the black list when a number of employers act together and each one refuses to employ a man discharged by any of the others. The private mo nopoly gives the only illustration of a perfect black list, because with but one employer a mnn who loses his position at one plant can not hope to obtain a position at any other plant. Fourth, the natural tendency of a trust is to "produce an inferior article. Where there is com petition the effort of each competitor is directed toward the furnishing of the best quality at the lowest price, and under this system we have seen reputations established and the character of goods so fixed that the stamp of the maker gave added value to he product. When one corporation con- Written for Public Opinion by William J. Bryan; and Reproduced by Courtesy of That Publication. trols the entire market, tho same influence which leads corporations to push up the price of tho product, press down the prico of tho raw material, and encroach upon the interests of tho workman, leads it to use adulterants and inferior material. Where there is no competitor to point out the de terioration and to offer a better product, the con-, sumer is helpless. Fifth, the trust does injustice to competitors. When there is competition between a number of corporations or individuals, and when a monopoly is prohibited, no one of them will attempt to em ploy against the others the usual method now in vogue namely, underselling in one section whiio tho price is kept up In other sections. If a private monopoly is permitted, the nearer a corporation approaches to a complete monopoly the more apt It is to attempt to drive a rival out of business by reducing prices In the -rival's territory while re couping from consumers in other sections. It would be difficult to estimate the amount of injury done to the smaller producers by the trusts that we now have. Under just conditions, success would depend upon the honesty, the industry, and the business ability of the man who engages in business. Today a man may acquire experience, invest a reasonable amount of capital, and attend to the business with diligence and capacity, and yet be driven into bankruptcy by some trust which is able to lose temporarily on sales in his vicinity until his capital is exhausted. For that reason it is no longer safe for the ordinary citizen to attempt to engage in an independent business. Under the reign of tho trusts tho reward goes to tho con scienceless rather than to those who possess dili gence and capacity. Sixth, another evil that has grown up with the trusts is the freezing out' of the small stockholders. Those in charge of tho trust can make a good showing and raise tho price of stock, and then pass a dividend and lower the prico of stock, thus manipulating tho corporation for speculative pur poses or to enable themselves to gather in at a low price such additional stock as they may desire to purchase. It is not only unsafe to attempt independent business outside of a trust, but it is almost as unsafe to invest in the stock of a trust Seventh, one of the far-reaching effects of the trust is to discourage the man ambitious for inde pendence, and when this discouragement becomes permanent and wide-spread, it will mean a. tre mendous loss in tho productive energy of the country. It is said that wo now produce and consume in the United States three times as much as any similar population in the world. This can not remain true if we permit a few great trusts to monopolize the industrial system of the country and condemn the wage-earners to hopeless bond age. Eighth, the trust is a menace to the political welfare of the country, for political independence can not long exist with industrial servitude. If a few trusts control the industries of the country, they will bring such Influence to bear upon their employes and upon candidates for office as to make it difficult for tho people to assort them selves at the polls. The influence of the trusts hos already been felt in politics, but it will bo felt still more as monopoly becomes more and more com plete, and the control of the industries more'an.i more centralized. Then, too, a single great trust can afford to contribute more to a campaign fund than can be collected by voluntary contributions from all who are outside of the trusts, because the trust can secure in favoriysm many times what it contributes, while the mass of the people ask for no special legislation, and therefore can not bo induced to contribute liberally to campaign funds. The objections enumerated above do not ex haust the list, but they are numerous enough to justify the people in resolving to exterminate J,he principle of private monopoly wherever and when ever it manifsts itself. The first step toward tho discovery of a rem edy for the trusts Is a recognition of the fact that private monopolies can not bo classified as good or bad, but must be regarded as '-'indefensible and intolerable." Nothing but ovil can como from nn attempt to draw a lino botwoon private monopolies "bonovolently mannged" and others managed by persons who aro not benovolcntly inclined. Man agers may die, resign, or bo removed. Bad men may bo replaced by worso ones or better ones, but tho position which a trust occupies beforo tho law can not bo determined by tho virtue or lack of vlrtuo of thono In charge In choosing botwoon a monarchy and a republic, people do not docldo according to the character of the man who may it tho time bo at tho hcud of tho government. Thoy decide accordlngsto tho. principles which underlie tho government. One of the objections to an attompt to classify trusts as good or bad Is that arguments mado In behalf of socalled good trusts will bo used In bo half of bad trusts. But a still greater objection Is that an attempt merely to rcgulatc-sHO-called good trusts, without attacking tho prtnclplo of private monopoly, results in tho trusts getting hold of tho government and protecting all trusts. The romedies proposed may bo divided Into state remedies and national remedies, and thus fa tho trusts have been qulto successful lir dodging from tho one jurisdiction to the other. Whenevor a trust Is prosecuted In a state It claims to bo an Interstate Industry, and when it is prosecuted by tho federal government it claims to bo a local enterprise. While persons may differ as to tho efficacy of ono remedy or tho other, there ought to bo no differenco of opinion as to the Importance of permitting both state and nation to omploy their respective romedies to tho full. Tho corporations engaged in interstate com merce are incorporated under tho laws of various states,, and each state Is In position to place such limitations upon tho corporations organized by It as aro necessary 'o protect tho public, but it has been found in practice that while some of the states have attempted to restrict incorporation and to place limitations upon corporations or ganized within their borders, many of tho states have been led to make their charters very liboral on tho ground that if thoy refused to do so other states would secure tho advantages flowing from incorporation. Tho state Qf New Jersey, for in stance, is supporting its government by a small tax laid upon corporations incorporated within the state, and it has mado its incorporation law as in viting as possible. Tho stato of Dolawaro ha entered Into rivalry with tho state of Now Jersey and the laws of Delaware have been taken advan tage of by a number of large corporations. A stato can limit the capital stock of a corpo ration; it can limit tho dividends to be paid, and it can limit the proportion of the otal product that the corporation can produce or control. In other words, a corporation created by a state can bo limited and restricted In any way that the law making power of tho state may consider necessary for tho public welfare. As a director is in duty bound to act in the interest of stockholders, the law should be such that tho director of one cor poration could not act as director of a competing corporation, or as director of a corporation having business dealings with the first corporation. A director of two such corporations is likely to sac rifice tho interests of one corporation to the inter ests of the other. Besides having the power to protect its peo ple from corporations organized under its own laws, the state has the power, or should have, to place limitations and restrictions upon foreign corporations doing business in tho stato, but there is a difficulty about exercising this power. If, for instance, a corporation has an actual monopoly of the production of a necessity of life, and a stato attempts to exclude it, either by direct prohibition or by restrictions to which the trust refuses to conform, the people of tho stato may punish them selves while they attempt to punish the trust Take, for example, the salt trust. But few states, produce salt, and the salt trust, if it controlled all tho output of salt, might seriously embarrass a stato by withdrawing from it. In Kansas the people, aro attempting to protect themselves from, the Standard Oil company by the erection of a refinery; and if the railroads join with tho Stand ard Oil company to discriminate against the re finery, tho people have it in their power to build1 a plpo line or oven a railroad. Kansas, howeverr is fortunate in having oil wells; but few of tho states are oil-producing, and therefore few of them are in as good position as Kansas to fight the Standard Oil company. While the state ought to exercise all the power that it has, It is not la position to give its people all the protection that they need. (Continued on page 15.) -& H .& , ,& OJUlk . Ml ft3lV-i 1 fkF