ft. """TPTiiiiiBirti&iPiV
Hon of tho trusts. In fact, the trust question is
already forcing Itself upon tho public. The Gar
field report on the beef trust, instead of quieting
tho country, has really aroused an indignation
which will necessarily lead to further probing.
Tho absurdity of some of tho conclusions set
forth in tho Garfield report has tended to reflect
upon either" the good intentions or tho ability
of those who made tho investigation and to re
movo this suspicion activo effort will bo required.
Tho oil trust is likewise claiming its share
of public attention; and wo1 havo seen a Kansas
legislature passing mcasuro after measure intend-
od to protect the public from its rapacity. But
thoso are only samples of the trusts. They aro
conspicuous, it is true, but they do not by any
means stand alone. Tho salt trust will soon como
up for attontlon, and tho harvester trust is like
ly to bo tho subject of investigation before tho
implements which it sells are through with tho
work of harvesting.
Tho steol trust roaches its multitude of fingers
into tlio pockets of millions of people and its
operations must sooner or later become tho sub
ject of investigation. Then there are the tobacco
trust, tho whiskey trust, tho starch trust, tho
riugar trust, tho cracker trust, and numerous
others that operate upon the same principle and
aro just as illegal in their methods and just as
immoral in their purposes as the beef trust and
thooll trust.
Tho presidont can not attack the principle
iipon which one trust operates without attack
ing tho principle upon which they all operate,
and they are likely to stand together, remember
ing tho strength that there is in union. As tho
presidont proceeds ho will find that there is no
middle ground on tho trust question.
Every policy must rest upon a theory, and
that theory must bo a defensible one. It is im
possible to draw a line between two private
monopolies and declare ono to be beneficial and
tho other destructive. A good and wise king
might bring blessings upon his people, while a
foolish and bad president might bring evil upon
his people, but tho virtues, of a benevolent mon
arch could not bo used in defense of a mon
archy any more than the vices of a bad president
could be used as an argument against a republic.
Governments must bo defended upon tho prin-
clples which underlie them, and so with trusts '
they muBt bo defended or opposed according to
the principles which underlie them. No benevo
lent trust magnate if it were possible to con
sider n man benevolent who first secured money
by wrong-doing, and then gave a part or even all
of it away can redeem a private monopoly from
condemnation, arid no progress can be made to
ward tho extermination of the trusts until it is
clearly understood that "a private monopoly is
indefensible and intolerable."
Every year of growth has made the trust
question more difficult to deal with, until now
tho trust defenders declare it impossible to attack
tho system without bringing widespread ruin.
Tho New York Sun several years ago predicted
that a really effective attack upon the trusts
would cause a panic besldo which tho free silver
panic so loudly predicted would be a flea bite.
Before one goes far into the trust question
he recognizes that it is intimately connected with
tho tariff question as well as with the railroad
question, and therefore any genuine reform is
likely to involve a reduction of tho tariff sched
ules as well as railroad regulation and the elimi
nation of private monopoly. The trusts hide be
hind the tariff wall and prey upo,n American
consumers, while they compete in the free mar
kets of the world. Every year finds an increas
ing number of American manufacturers bidding
against European manufacturers in competing
markets where thp Americans not only derive nd
benefit from protective tariffs, but must pay
freight charges which they do not have to pay
when competing upon American soil.
The protected Industries aro greedy. They
have so long been permitted to write tho sched
ules and prescribe the rates that they resent
any interference with what they regard as vested
rights. They have long been in the habit of
holding tho threat of wage reduction over tho
heads of their employes to coerce them into vot
ing for candidates pledged to a high tariff. Somo
times, as at the time of tho Homestead strike
the republicans have been compelled to admit
that the employer did not always fairly divide
I ie QllR of1 l)rotection with the employe, but
the tariff, has been built up upon the assumption
that the manufacturer is a pariotic, unselfish,
bonevolont man who can safely be 'trusted to
take care of his employes if the government will
but allow him to havo his own way in the build
ing of the tariff wall. The railroads have bor
rowed this argument . from tho manufacturers
and are quick to suggest tho possibility of lower
The Commoner.
wages for railroad employes in case of reduction
of rates, and tho trust magnates likewise imitat
ing tho tariff barons, look sad and express fear
that trust employes may suffer if trust exactions
aro ended.
Hero aro three great reforms, and all so en
twined together that it will bo extremely difficult,
if not impossible, to deal intelligently with ono
of tho reforms without considering the other
two. And ho will probably find it necessary to
urge tho election of senators by direct vote of
the people as a means of securing these reforms.
Is it any wonder that tho president's political
friends, as well as his political opponents, are
asking themselves whether ho has the courage
to bo a reformer? The question will l)e answered
within the next three years, and upon its answer
will depend the president's place in history.
What qualities aro required for the work?
First, there must be sympathy with the people
as against those whojiave profited by the plund
ering of tho people. Has the president this sym
pathy? If not, nothing can bo expected in tho
way of reform, for no man will undertake so
gigantic a task unless his heart is really in his
work unless he feels that the producers of
wealth are not enjoying their full share of the
products of their toil.
Second, he must have information as to the
extent of the abuses and the necessity for a
remedy. And it may be added that no one is
likely to look for information until his sympa
thies have boon aroused. The president's utter
ances Indicate that on some of the questions,
at least, his sympathies are with the people,
and where a man's sympathies are right upon
one question they are apt to be right on others
when he has pursued his Investigations far
enough to learn the real situation.
Third, moral courage is necessary, and as
suming that the president is in sympathy with
those who suffer from railroad discrimination,
trust extortion and tariff robbery, and assuming
that he understands the situation, the whole ques
tion turns upon his courage. No one doubts the
president's physical courage. He has an abund
ance, if not a super-abundance, of this quality,
but there is a wide difference between physical
courage and moral courage, and moral courage
is as much above physical courage as man is
above the animal. Many of the beasts, both wild
and domestic, will fight to the death, but man
alone has moral courage. Man alone will make
sacrifice, endure suffering and even death in the
performance of what he regards as a duty. The
president has the reputation of possessing moral
courage as well as physical courage, but his pos
session of this quality is likely to be tested as it
has never been tested before.
The announcement made by the president
that he would not be a candidate for re-election
makes his way easier. He does not have to con
sider the power of the corporations to thwart his
ambition, and however conscientious he may be,
however high-minded and however anxious to
place the public weal above his own personal ad
vantage, he is stronger to make the fight because
he has, by a stroke of the pen, eliminated him
self from the equation. No human being is so
strong but that he may wisely pray ""Lead us not
into temptation."
But while the president has put himself out
of the presidential' race and is therefore not open
to- arguments which might be addressed to his
ambition, he must still meet many arguments
that. can not but have weight with him. There
is the argument addressed to his gratitude and
who is entirely without a feeling of gratitude?
Mr. Jordan in his book entitled "The Power of
Truth" declares that Ingratitude is a greater sin
than revenge, for while the revengeful man re
pays injury with injury, the ingrate repays good
with evil. The great corporations, against which
tho president's attacks must be directed are
corporations which have contributed liberally to
the republican party. They all supported the re
publican ticket in 1896, and but for tho success
of that election the republican party would not
havo been victorious in 1900; and but for tho
victory of 1900 Mr. Roosevelt would not now be
president. The railroad magnates, the trust mag
nates, and the tariff magnates can easily show
him that he holds his position as a result of what
theyjiavo done for the republican party and tho
question "will you now reward us b?hostile lPrf
lation?" will be as difficult a one to ansWef in
omon VG aS Qe mvolvIn& Mm own am-
But this is not tho hardest question for ?
answering this question his sense of duty mUt
enable him to answer in the affirmative ISf
what will he say when they show hm Lf
attempt to pass effective legislation will dlvldo
his party? They will point to his enormous mi
jority and ask whether he will risk the c?averston
tVOLtJME 5, NUMBER lG
of that great majority into a minority by divia
ing the republican party Into factions and arr
ing these factions against each, other. Thev wiii
mildly suggest that his platform did not nledn-n
him to a war upon the railroads, upon the tnw?
or upon the protective tariff. And they may inM
mate that ho Is adopting democratic theorioq
after the democratic party was overwhelminjriv
defeated. They may even inquire of him whether
his courage would not have been more severely
tested had he inaugurated before the last republi
can national convention, or before the election
the reforms that have been -developed since tho
polls closed.
As shown by the action of the house of repre
sentatives, the president will be supported by
the democrats in any sincere effort which ho
makes to regulate the railroads, to eliminate tho
trusts, and to reform the tariff; and he is suro
to be opposed by an influential element in his
own party. Has he the courage to alienate tho
monopoly republicans in exchange for tho sup
port of anti-monopoly democrats He has seen
tho democratic party pass through "the Valley
of the Shadow of Death' because of the fight
within that party over the very question which
i3 now disturbing the republican party. Is ho
willing to see his party pass through the same
necessary process of reorganization?
The republican organization is a monopoly
organization. It unceremoniously turned La Fol
lette out of the last national convention, and
when, a few days ago, the committee had a
chance to fill a vacancy in Wisconsin, caused by
the death of Postmaster General Payne, it took
one of the most conspicuous enemies of LaFol
letter, Congressman Babcock, and put him on tho
committee in spite of the protest of the La Fol
lette state committee.
If the president does any reforming he will
at once clash with the committee that conducted
his campaign. It will not only require moral
courage to meet the opposition that now faces
the president within his own parity, but it will
require moral courage of a high order, and if tho
president has only an ordinary amount of moral
courage he will fail. If he perseyeres to the end,
he will demonstrate the possession of an extra
ordinary moral courage.
When the democratic party attempted to re
form itself it succeeded, but it lost three elections
in the effort. Will the president carry reform
to the point of jeopardizing the success of tho
republican party, or will he compromise and try to
patch up 'a peace with, the so-called "captains of
industry" who have for a number of years been
running the government to their own advantage?
Important history will be written during the
next few, years. In a battle it is sometimes neces
sary for a soldier to sacrifice himself to secure
a victory for his cause. The victory which he
thus purchases can not be enjoyed by him, but
his sacrifice makes him immortal. The president
is in a position where he must either advance at
great risk or retreat. If he goes forward he may
lose his control of his party he may even cause
divisions that will jeopardize his party's success,
but he will lay the foundation upon which an
increasing number may build. Has he the faith
to look beyond the valley to the mountains?
Has he such confidence in the triumph of the
right as to be indifferent to the toil and trials
that lie between him and a victory for the peo
ple? Has he the courage to be a reformer?
JJJ
SPECULATION CLAIMS ANOTHER VICTIM
The embezzlement of more than a million and
a half dollars by President Bigelow of the First
National bank of Milwaukee, brings the subject
Of speculation into prominence again. Mr. Bige
low admits that he lost the money speculating in
grain. He was using trust funds for his own en
richment and had he guessed right on wheat he
could have paid the bank back and concealed his
crime, but when the market went against him,
his sins were discovered and during tho term
of imprisonment which avaitg him he will have
time to reflect upon the evils of gambling. In
the case of this. bank the wealth of those connect
ed with the institution will probably bo sufficient
to protect depositors, but this does not excuse
the conduct of the president.
There ought to bo laws, state and national,
making it a criminal offense for any one handling
other people's money, to speculate either on tho
grain market or on the stock market. Such laws
would havo saved thousands from disgrace and
death. They would strengthen trustees to with
stand temptation. It is not sufficient to punish
those who lose; those who win are encouraged to
continue until they do lose.
Not only should wo have laws prohibiting
speculation by trustees, but we should havo laws
i