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The Commoner.
WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER
V-
" Vol. 5. No. 16
Lincoln, Nebraska, May 5, 1905
Whole Number 224
CONTENTS
Has the President tiie Courage to be
a Reformer
Richard L. Metcalee
A New Game Law Needed
The New York World's Scarecrow ,
Good Work at the Primaries Best
Assurance of Success at '
the Polls
"Back to the People" ,
Comment on Current Topics
The Primary Pledge
News of the Week
NEW GAME LAW NEEDED
The ruthless slaughter of bears and bob cats
by the president, suggests the necessity for a
more stringent game law. Now that the hunting
of big game has been formally established as the
proper presidential sport, steps ought to be taken
to .preserve a sufficient supply for future years.
It is reported " thtftrttiB'prosidontial - par.tylciilodL &
six bears and two cats during the first ten days
of the hunt, or three-fourths of an animal per day.
Now, if the president only hunts half of each year
he is likely to exhaust the supply and leave no
excitement for the presidents that come after
him. As one ,who has felt at times a spasmodic in
terest in matters affecting to the chief execuft o
the editor of The Commoner, in the name of fair
play, appeals for legislation fixing some reason
able limit to the butchery of ferocious beasts.
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What's the Matter With U S
Has the President the Courage to be a Reformer?
Has President Roosevelt the courage to be
a reformer? There is no doubt that a large num
ber of people have faith that ho is going to make
a vigorous assault upon the intrenchments be
hind which predatory wealth is massed. It was
this belief that secured for him a very consid
erable democratic vote last fall, and more recent
evidences of reform tendencies have brought him
the commendation and congratulation 'of the peo
ple in general. He has said and done some things
to excite the hope so widely expressed. If he
justifies this hope he will retire from office with
great popularity among the masses; if he dis
appoints this hope the disappointment will be
the greater because of the expectation that has
been aroused.
While the question of imperialism raises the
same issue between the rights ofthe masses who
pay the taxes and the profits ,of the few who
live by exploitation, still several other questions
are involved in the discussion of imperialism
and its consideration is not necessary for the
purposes of this article. The. same may be said
of the labor question and of the money question.
The issue between democracy and plutocracy not
only manifests itself in these questions but it is
present in every problem that confronts us today;
it will, however, require all the space allowed
for this article to consider three of the ques
tions which are calling for attention at this time,
namely, the railroad question, the trust ques
tion and the tariff question.
During the lull before the storm promised
at the extra session, which-is looked for in Octo-
Written for Public Opinion
by William 7. Bryan, and
Reproduced by Courtesy of
That Publication.
ber, it may be well to consider the work to bo
dore and the qualities necessary for its success
ful performanceri4j
What is the work to" be done? The presi
dent has asked -for legislation empowering fede
ral officials to fix railroad rates, and this request
has aroused amost unanimous opposition among
the railroads. The influence of the transporta
tion companies was not sufficient to prevent the
passage of a bill by the house, but was suffi
cient to prevent the Incorporation In that bill of
remedies for all of the admitted evils. But the
bias of the senate in favor of the great corpora
tions was too strong to permit of the passage
of the rate bill, even though it had gone through
the house by a practically unanimous 'vote. The
railroad magnates recognize that when the fix
ing of railroad rates is put into the hands of
government officials, such officials will be com
pelled to act, for public opinion will coerce them
into the performance of their duty. If they fall
to give the people the needed protection, the
people will lay the responsibility upon those who
appoint the officials, and thus party interest will
become a compelling force. Then, too, public
officials must act in the open. They can not
be parties to secret understandings. While the
regulation of railroad rates is in the hands o
the railway magnates, the general public is in
ignorance of what is going on. Individuals may
. suffer from extortion or discrimination, but their
appeals and complaints are only heard in their
immediate vicinity. The record of official boards
and commissions, however, is published in docu
mentary form and scattered broad-cast over the
land. It Is only necessary to remember that the
great railroad systems now traverse every state
and have their paid representatives in almost
every country to understand what a tremendous
influence the roads can exert to prevent, or at
least to delay, legislation. And their power is
multiplied where they act upon a body which,
like the senate, is not directly responsible to
the voters. If the president secures the passage
of a really effective rate measure he will deserve
great credit and will receive it.
But the railroad question Is only one of the
questions which ho has to meet. The railroad
question can not bo Investigated without disclos
ing the intimate relation which exists between
the railroads and the trusts, and as a reform
principle necessarily grows and extends itself,
in all directions, it is quite certain that the dis
.cussion of the rate bill will compel the lnvestlga-
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