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JANUARY. 1W5 -
point, viz,, that competition will be done away
with when uniformity in rates is enforced. This
also will fail to terrify, because tho railroads now
agree upon ratesjand stifle competition and the
people would prefer a uniformly low rate, fixed
l)v a commission, to a uniformly high rate, fixed by
combination between the railroads.
His suggestion that cities will not be able to
extend trade territory under government regula
tion, is an admission that under the present sya
tem cities have entered into collusion with rail
roads to secure more favorable rate3 than other
Cities Simnarty Hituuieu.
In this way rilroad3 have been able to build
up one city and 'tear down another and their
course in this respect has sometimes been deter
mined by -the pecuniary interest which the man
agers have had in the favored city.
The press dispatch which reports President
Hughitt'3 interview says that the committee was
divided, a majority favoring President Roosevelt's
recommendation. It is not to be expected that the
railroads will quietly submit, to the curtailment
of their, at present, unlimited power over traffic,
but their opposition, if successful, will only has
ten the consideration of the- question of public
ownership of railroads.
JJJ
Reducing Southern Representa-
tion
The opposition of Booker Washington and T.
Thomas Fortune, two of the most influential col
ored men in the country, to the reduction of south
ern representation is likely to put an end to the
partisan scheme to increase the relative strength
of the northern republican districts at the ex
pense of the black "men of the south, but tho
southern democrats might show up the selfish and
hypocritical character of the measure by propos
ing a substitute. "The republican plan abandons
the southern negro but provides for enlarging the
influence of northern republican districts districts
in which negroes are graciously permitted to vote
for white republicans but are not allowed to hold
any important offices themselves. The ostensible
purpose of those back of Ihe plan is to force the
southern states to repeal their suffrage amend
ments, but suppose the southern people are willing
to submit to a reduction in congressional represen
tation in order to secure protection from black
domination, then what? The negr-es of the south
would still be without a vote and the northern
republicans would be the only gainers by the plan,
and it would be to their political advantage not to
pay any more attention to the southern blacks, for
any enfranchisement of the blacks in the south
would increase southern congressional strength and
to that extent decrease the relative influence of the
republican districts of the north. If the reduction
measure is pushed the democrats might meet it
by proposing the colonization, in the republican
districts of the north, of any colored men who are
displeased with the southern franchise amend
ments. For instance, the law could provide that
any disfranchised negro might on application to
some designated authority sell his property at an
appraised value to the federal government and
with the proceeds remove hi3 family to some
northern republican district, preferably to the city
in which a republican congressman resides. This
plan would be of real political value to the colored
man because every black man going north would
to that extent increase the representation of the
north the real object of the republicans and at
' the same time secure to himself the privilege of
voting a privilege that the republican plan does
not guarantee. The proposed substitute would dis
tribute the race proolem and enable the republi
cans of tho north to understand the question. Tho
republican plan not only leaves the southern negro
voteless but It leaves the soutuern whites to edu
cate the black's and to bear the burden of their
development, and while the southern .whites carry
this burden alone the partisan republicans would
reduce their representation in congress in order
to make republican national success more certain.
The proposed substitute w- ild give a vote to any
disfranchised negro who wanted to move north
and at the same time would make the party which
is to be benefitted by -his vote share the burden
of his development.
It is not at all likely that the republicans
would accept the substitute but their refusal to
accept it would expose the shallowness of tho
pretensions of friendship made by republican poli
ticians, .There are not many republican congress
men who would favor -establishing a colored col
ony in their districts. Their friendship does not
60 that far. If colored laborers were removed
The Commoner.
from the south to tho north tholi placo would
?n? ,bMfillC(i by whItc borers and this would
still further tend to lesson tho ocutonoM of tho
race quesuon in tho south.
The discussion of the propoiiitlon to roduco tho
soutuern representation will servo a useful pur
pose. It will not only demonstrate tho partisan
ship of some of the republican leaders but it will
also show that many republicans, as well as tho
democrats, In the north recognize the work which
the south has been doing and appreciate the dimcul
tles under which sho labors. The negroes of tho
south have made groat progress during tho Inst
forty years, and thoy have made that progress not
by the aid of republican politicians but by the aid
of their former masters.
JJJ
A Lesson In Imperialism
Russia is furnishing the world a lesson in im
perialism' that ought not to be lost on the Ameri
can advocates of the doctrine of "benevolent as
similation." The Czar in defending his refusal
to permit the Russian pooplo to have a voice In
their own government says:
"In accordance with the revered will of our
crowned predecessor and thinking unceasingly oi
the welfare of the realm intrusted to us by God,
we regard It as our duty and the government's duty
in conjunction with undeviating maintenance of
the immutability of the fundamental laws of the
empire to have untiring care for the country's
needs, distinguishing all that is really In the in
terests of the Russian people from tendencies not
seldom mistaken and influenced by transitory cir
cumstances. "When the need of this or that change is
proved ripe, then we consider it necessary to meet
it, even though the transformation to which this
leads involves the introduction of essential In
novations in explanation. We do not doubt that
the realization of such an undertaking will meet
with the sympathy of the well disposed section of
our subjects, who see the true prosperity of the
future in the support of civil tranquility and the
uninterrupted satisfaction of the dally needs of
the people."
Here we have the doctrine clearly stated, the
government is to do the thinking and graciously
looks after the welfare of the people and the
"well-disposed" subjects will be content if there
is an "uninterrupted, satisfaction" of their daily
needs. The "stand pat" or "let well enough alone
argument is also called Into use. If one will com
pare an argument in favor of colonialism with the
Czar's decree he will be astonished to see how
Slm WhothwouWe have thought ten years ago that
American citizens would ever be defending a na
ttonal Policy with the logic of despots? And yet
tote is the necessary result of imperialism. There
are but two sources of government-tho people
and force. A government resting upon tne con
sent of the governed being the natural government
can be defended by fair and honest argument, but
a Government resting on force can not be defended
among cWHized people without resort to the sub
ai - b .- ..t rno-iito " vwo.rv arcument (not
me Sary in its character) advanced in support
S colonialism will be found to rest upon a sup
urad di tv and yet those who voluntarily assume
hf nerfo?mance of this kind of a duty always
nlace such a high estimate upon their services
?h,t they pay themselves well at the expense of
that tney UJ L Vor illustration compare
the average Filipino The 'pllllanthr0py
fnVct .Us the UnTatlon whlle "Dlvlno Right" is
the gaudy superstructure.
J
When Should Congress Convene?
day la December 0 " Vown that the
a different day." Exp" Jen no lr
post-electjon session oE ngresMs U
responsible session, i via , i0tbyist can have
the end o each term an the iodm
gress or with on before him than with a man
tttZ wfownrd0 a'nAls party's record to
Mris anXuon: too,"-to having the t
session of congroas convene so long aflor tho olcc
tlon. According to tho existing law Homo thirteen
months clnpso aftor a congressional election be
fore CongroHH convenor. An extraordinary session
In necessary to give Immediate effoct to tho de
cision of tho pooplo on nn Important question. Ah
congress has power to fix the dato for It con
vening It might wisely omploy that power by fix
ing a day that would enable a now Congrcaa to
bogtn Its legislative work soon after tho oloctlon,
say by March 4th. A rocoss might bo tnkon dur
ing tho Hummor months, but tho second sosslon
should bo adjournod at loast ton days before the
oloctlon so that tho party In power could go to
the country on a complotcd record. A apodal ses
sion could bo convened a fow days before tho
fourth of March following each presidential elec
tion to canvass tho returns.
This Is a reform within roach and there
ought to bo no delay In securing It.
JJJ
Another Tribune
In itij issue of August 18, tho Commoner re
ferred to an editorial said to bo contained in the
New York Tribune August -1, and ontltlod "Not
tho Time to Strike.' A Colorado reader, writing
to the Commoner, said tnat he had been unable
to locate the artlclo rcforrod to and In reply it
was stated in the Commoner that tho editorial
appeared in the Tribune in the neighborhood of
the date referred to. Tho Commoner was in error
on that point. It was the Chicago Tribune and not
the New York Tribune In which the editorial ap
peared. JJJ
A Suggestion from Indiana
An Indiana democrat writes to say: "The Com
moner should circulate In every voting precinct
in tho United States. Your special offer makes it
possible for every busy man to aid In the effort to
increase The Commoner's circulation. I have not
much leisure and yet I have taken the time to dls
poso of a number of your special subscription
cards. Out of seven men whom 1 asked to take
The Commoner only ono refused. I have already
disposed of one 'lot of five and Intend to dispose
of another before I abandon the good work. I
think if every one ho believes in the principles
advocated by Tho Commoner would participate In
tho effort' fo give The Commonor a much larger
circulation than it now has, tho result would bo
advantageous to the democratic party and, of
course, advantageous to public interests."
Many Commoner readers are taking advantage
of the special subscription offer just as this In
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Commoner's circulation means the widening of
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According to the terms of this subscription
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