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SEPTEMBER 16 1904.
Commoner.
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Rdbsevelt's Letter 'of Acceptance
Mr. Roosevelt's letter of accept-
ance was made public September 12.
In the beginning Mr. Roosevelt says
"It Is difficult to nnd out from the
utterances of our opponents what are
the real issues upon which they pro
pose to wagevthis campaign."
He charges that the democrats have
abandoned most of the principles up
on which they have insisted during
the iast eight years, and he adds:
They now seem at a loss, both as
to wh&twit is they really believe, and
as to how firmly they shall assert
their belief in anything" He ventures
the prediction that they will not
resolutely -nress a single issue, and
he says that "as soon as they raise
one they shrink from it and seek to
explain it away. Such an attitude is
the probably inevitable result of the
effort to improvise convictions for
when thus improvised it is natural
that they should be. held in a tenta
tive manner." t
Mr. Roosevelt contendsthat the re
publican party is troubled with no
such difficulties. He says: ''We do not
have to guess at our own convictions
and then correct the guess if it seems
unpopular. The principles we profess
are those in which we believe with
heart and soul and strength. Men
may differ from us; but they cannot
accuse us of trickiness or insincerity.
The policies we have pursued are
those which we honestly hold as es
sential to the national welfare and
repute. Our actions speak even louder
than words for the faith that is in
us. We base our appeal upon what
we have done and are doing; upon
our, record of administration and leg
islation during, the last seven years
in which -wel have had complete, con
trol of the government. We intend
in the future to carry on the govern
ment in the same way that we have
carried it on in the past."
He charges that the democratic
party "cannot be trusted to govern
the country, claiming that it has
changed all its convictions." He adds
that "in 189G the republican party
came into -. power and in 1900 it re
tained power on certain definite
pledges, each of which was scrupulous
ly fulfilled.
Mr. Roosevelt contends that the ad
ministration's work has been so well
done that its opponents do not care
to make a truthful recital of that
work because such a recital would
leave no room for adverse comment."
He cites Panama as an instance in
point. He says that the. administra
tion acieu in tne jfanama case wuu
good faith, extraordinary patience and
large generosity. He declares that the
administration's foreign policy has
been misrepresented and insists that
the government "behaved towards all,
nations, strong or weak, with courtesy,
dignity and justice. He points with
pride to the settlement of the Alaska
boundry line; to the administration
in Porto Rico, to the acquistion of
Hawaii, to "the part we played in
China." He defends his pension order
wherein; by executive decree it was
provided that when a veteran of the
civil war reached the age of 62 he I
should be entitled to a pension of ?6
per month and maintains that this
order was made in the discharge of a
duty imposed 'upon the president by
an act of congress which requires
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govern the subordinates of the pen
sion office in determining who are en
titled to pensions. Ho says that Presi
dent Cleveland exercised this power
by fixing 75 as the total disability age
and that President Mcltinley es
tablished 65 as the half disability age.
Mr. Roosevelt says that "in certain
great centers and with certain great
interests," his critics strive to make
capital out of the settlement of
the anthracite coal strike and the
suit against the Northern Securities
company and says that it is contended
that because of these the adminis
tration should be thrown from power.
He adds, however, that his opponents
do not dare to openly condemn either
act.
To those who are opposed to public
ownership of the coal mines, the
president says- . "It was only this ac
tion by the president which prevented
the movement for national ownership
of the coal fields from gaining what
might well have been an irresistible
Impetus." .
Mr. Roosevelt plainly sneers at the
attitude of democrats on the money
question saying that being unable to
agree among themselves, "they have
apparently thought it expedient to
avoid any committal on these subjects
and individually each to follow his
particular bent"." 'He suggests that
the very nearest approach to a ma
jority judgment seems to be that it
is now inexpedient to assert their con
victions one way or the other and
that the establishment of the gold
standard by the republican party
should not be disturbed unless there
is an alteration in the relative quanti
ty of production of silver and gold. He
declares that the republican party
stands for the gold standard as fixed
by the usage and verdict of the busi
ness world, and adds that that standard
is of "permanent organic policy." He
says that the single gold standard
was established as the measure of our
monetary value by the act of congress
of March 14, 1900. He says that the
republican party "can be trusted to
take additional action necessary to
improve and strenthen our monetary
system, and our opponents cannot be
so trusted." He makes apparently di
rect reference to Judge Parker's fam
ous gold telegram when he says: "The
fundamental fact is that in a popular
government, such as ours, no policy
is irrevocably settled by law unless
the people keep in control of the gov
ernment men who believe in that
policy as a matter of deep rooted con
viction. In another place he says "It
is idle to say that the monetary
standard of the nation is irrevocably
fixed so long as the party which at
the last election cast approximately
forty-six per cent. 61 the total vote
refuses to put in its platform any
statement that the question is settled."
On the question of capital and labor
Mr. Roosevelt says that u conunuuu
in power the republican party will
continue to carry out the policy It
has been pursuing. He reiterates the
paragraph relative to capital and
labor appearing in his speech of acceptance.
On the trust question Mr. Roosevelt
says that the anti-trust laws are now
being' administered with entire effi
ciency. He promises that if they need
amendment or addition the need will
be met." He admits that the failure
of officials charged with the duty of
enforcing laws to take the necessary
procedure is responsible for the mul
tiplication of trusts andvtheir increase
in power, but he says that this critic
ism applies not to republican admin
istrations but to their democratic
predecessors. .,
wn admits Judce Parker's conten
tion that what is most needed is offi-
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cials having both the disposition and
the courage to enforce existing laws
and he says that this need has been
met under the administration.
On the tariff question Mr. Roosevelt
stands boldly for an adequate protec
tive system. He admits '"from time
to time schedules must be rearranged
and readjusted to meet the shifting
needs of the country," and he adds:
"This can safely be done only by those
who are committed to the cause of the
protective system. He says that the
democrats obtained power in 1892 on
a platform declaring a protective
tariff unconstitutional, He contends
"the effort to put this declaration into
practice was one of the "causes of the
general national prostration lasting
from 1893 to 1897." He says that the
protective tariff policy, "having be
come part of the very fibre of the
country should now be accepted as de
finitely established." Mr. Roosevelt
further says "the most welcome and
impressive fact established by the last
census is the wide and even distribu
tion of wealth among all classes of our
countrymen."
After devoting several pages to the
tariff question, Mr. Roosevelt con
cludes that feature of his letter
by saying: "In closing what I have
to say about the system of promoting
American industry, let me add a word
of cordial agreement with the policy
of in some way including within its
benefits by appropriate legislation the
American Merchant Marine. It-is not
creditable to us as a nation that our
great export and import trade should
be well nigh exclusively in the hands
of foreigners."
On the proposed reduction of the
army Mr. Roosevelt says it is absurd
to talk about reducing an army of
b'0,000 men which is taking care of tho
interests of over 80,000,000 people. He
contends that the army is now re
latively smaller than It was in the
days of Washington and says if the
democrats came into power they could
not reduce the army below its present
size "without greatly impairing its
efficiency and abandoning part of tho
national duty."
Referring to the alleged deficit of
more than $40,000,000, Mr. Roosevelt
says that this deficit is imaginary. He
says that comparing the current or
ordinary expenditures for the two
years there was a surplus of nearly
?80,000,000 for the year 1900 and only
a little more than $8,000,000 for the
year that is just closed; but he says
this diminution was brought about
designedly for the abolition of the war
taxes.
Mr. Roosevelt says that the public
work "has never been conducted with
a higher degree of honesty and effi
ciency than at the present time." He
adds: "Of course, wrong has occasion
ally occurred, but it has been relent-
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