!Ptr'"niFiiwiwirts'w"?
a certain state, and, second, that their man is the
onjy one who can carfy that state, they do not
put up a bond to deliver the votes. (Applause.)
And then, anyhow, a state- which is so uncertain
that only one democrat in the nation can carry
Vt, cannot ho relied upon in a great crisis. (Ap
plause.) Select a candidate. If it is the wish of this
convention that the standard shall he placed in
the hand of the gentleman presented by Califor
nia, a man who, though he has money, pleads
the cause of the poor (Applause); the man who
Is best beloved, I think I can safely say, among
laboring men, of all the candidates proposed; the
man who more than any other represents opposi
tion to the trusts if you want to place the stand
ard in his hand and make Mr. Hearst the candi
date of this convention, Nebraska will be with you
in the fight. (Applause.)
If you think that the gentleman from Wiscon
sin who, though faithful in both campaigns, was
notwith us on the money question if you think
that Mr. Wall, who agrees with the east on the
gold question and with the west on other ques
tions, would draw the party together, place the
standard in his hand, and Nebraska will be with
you and contribute her part. (Applause.)
If you prefer an eastern man and can find
Bomo one who will give both elements of the
party something to believe in, something to trust
In, something to hope for, we are willing to join
you in selecting him as the standard-bearer.
Not all of the available men have been men
tioned. There is in the state of Pennsylvania a
man whom I desire to suggest, and I do it with
out consulting his delegation ahd without the
consent of the man himself. Ho is an eastern
man, who voted with us in both campaigns, al
though against us on the money question, but, 1
believe, ho is in sympathy with the people; a man
twlco governor of a groat state; a man who only
two years ago when again a candidate carried the
state of Pennsylvania, outside of the two great
cities of Philadelphia and Pittsburg. (Applause.)
If you eastern democrats who insist that
your objection to me is that I believe in free
silver if you are willing to take ex-Governor Pat
tison, a gold man, I am willing to let you have
your way on that question, for I will trust his hon
esty on all questions. (Applause.) But 1 only
mention these candidates by way of illustration.
I desire to second the nomination of a man
whoso name has already been presented, and I
second his nomination, not because I can assert
to you that he is moro available than any other
person who might be named, but because I love
the man and because on the platform we have
adopted there is no good reason why any demo
crat in the east should vote against hlnu I de
sire to second the nomination of Senator Cockrell
of Missouri. (Applause.)
Ho is the nestor of the senate; he is experi
enced in public affairs. He is known; he has a
record, and can be measured by it. I would be
willing to write my indorsement on his back and
guarantee everything he did. (Applause.)
It is said that he comes from the south. What
if ho does? I do not share the feeling that some
have that the democratic party cannot take a can
didate from the south. It is said he was in the
confederate army. What if he was? I do not
sharo the belief of those who say that we cannot
afford to nominate an ex-confederate. (Applause.)
That war, that cruel war, occurred forty years ago.
Its issues are settled; its wounds are healed, and
the participants . are friends. Wo have another
war on now, and those who know what the war
between democracy and plutocracy means, will not
ask where the candidate stood forty years ago;
they will ask where he stands today-on which
side ho is fighting in the present conflict.
The great issue in this country today is
"democracy versus plutocracy." I havo been, ac
cused of having but one idea silver. Awhile
back it was said that I had only one, but then
it was tariff reform. But there is an issue greater
than the silver issue, the tariff issue or the trust
issue. It is the issue between democracy and
plutocracy whether this is to bo a government
of the people, administered by officers chosen by
the people, and administered in behalf of the peo
ple, or a government by the moneyed element
of the country in the Interest of predatory wealth.
This issuo is growing.
I ask you to help us meet this Issue. You tell
mo that the republican candidate stands for mili
tarism. Yes, but he also stands for plutocracy.
You tell mo that ho delights in war. Yes, but
there is another objection to him, and that is
that he does not enforce the law-against a big
criminal as he does against a little criminal.
.The laws are being violated today, and those laws
must be enforced., The government musj. be ad
ministered according to the maxim: , .'Equal
The Commoner.
rights to all and special privileges to none." .(Ap
plause.) .
We have had the debauchment of elections.
It was statedi the other day that into the littlo
state of Delaware, two hundred and fifty-six thou
sand dollars were sent at one time just before the
election of 1896. Some say that our party must
have a great campaign fund and bid against the
republicans. Let me warn you that if the demo
cratic party is to save this nation, it must save
it, not by purchase, but by principle. (Applause.)
That is the onfy way to save it. Every time we
resort to purchase, wo encourage the spirit of
barter. Under such & system the price will con
stantly increase, and the elections will go to the
highest bidder. If the democratic party is to save
this country, it must appeal to the conscience of
the country. It must point out the dangers to the
republic; and if the party will nominate a man,
I care not from what part of the country ho
comes, who is not the candidate of a faction, who
is not the candidate of an clement, but the can
didate of the party, the party will stand by him
and will drive the republican party from power.
(Applause.)
You could, I believe, tak'e a man from any
southern state a man who would appeal to all
democrats who love democratic principles, and to
those republicans who begin to fear for their na
tion's welfare, and he would poll a million more
votes than the candidate of any faction whose se
lection would be regarded as a triumph of a part
of the party over the rest of the party. (Ap
plause.) I simply submit these suggestions for your
consideration. I am here to discharge a duty that
I owe to the party. I knew before cpming to this
convention that a majority of the delegates would
not agree with me in regard to the financial plank.
I knew that there would be among the delegates
many wlio voted against me -when 1 sorely needed
their help. I am not objecting to the majority
against me, nor to the presence of those who left
us in 1896 and have since returned, but I am here,
not because I enjoy being in the, minority, but be
cause I owe a duty to the, more than six jnillion
brave and loyal men who sacrificed for the ticket
in recent campaigns. (Applause.) I cameto get
them as good a platform as I could; I have helped
to get them a good platform. (Applause.) I came
to help to get as good $ candidate as possible, and
I hope that he will be one who can draw the fac
tions together; one who will give to us who be
lieve in positive, aggressive, democratic reform,
something to "hope for, something to fight for
one who will also give to those who have differed
from us on the money question something to
hope for, something to fight for. ' And I close
with an appeal from my heart to the hearts of
those who hear me:. Give us a pilot who will
guide the democratic ship away from the Scylla
of militarism without wrecking her upon the
Charybdis of commercialism. (Applause.)
Candidate Davis Age.
Some objection is being made to Mr. Davis,
the democratic candidate for vice president, on
account of his age. This objection is not valid.
Mr. Davis, as all know who enjoy his personal
acquaintance, is exceptionally well preserved for
one of his age. No one would gu.ess him more
than seventy and doubtless he feels younger than
that. To oifset any argument that may ne made
against his age it must be rememl.'oJ that his
nomination encourages aspirants for high office
to join the democratic party. In 1896 the parly
nominated a presidential candidate who was only
thirty-six. As Its vice presidential candidate is
eighty it is evident from the record that there are
forty-four years in every democrat's life, during
which he is eligible to a place on the national
ticket. What party can offer more in the way of
opportunity?
Slandering The Candidate.
, The New York Herald seems to be trying to
counteract the influence exerted by the Chicaco
Chronicle. The Chronicle is helping Parker bv
its support of Roosevelt and the Herald is heln
ing Roosevelt by its support of Parker. In comine-
, f?ruthe, democratic ticket the Herald says
What the democrats needed was a master Thev
have found one in Judge Parker and he may yet
lead them out of the wilderness." Certainly no
editor who desired to help Judge Parker wouM
advance such an argument in his behalf Men
may honestly differ as to the wisdom or eve?
courage of Judge Parker in sending the telegram
he did after keeping silent until the nomiSS
was made, but one who asserts that the democratic
' VOLUME 4, NUMBER 28.
party; needs .a "master" must be either iKnorw
Of human' nature or indifferent to the candS
The man chosen to present judge Parker's,
to the convention explained the S
silence on public questions by savins n 5
he was not the master of the party, but its RI
vant , Judge Parker informed the convention
(ciulte inopportunely) of his views on one nuoX
which the convention had decided to ignore hS
will he disregard the platform on the questi
upon which the convention has spoken and xZ
which he has been silent? If the Herald wants tn
help the ticket it ought to point out, as the Com
moner has done, the questions upon which Juden
Parker is right and the' republican party wrong,
JJJ
Those Labor Planks.
i
On page 13 of this issue will be found, under
the caption, "Amending the Platform," an editor
ial from the Chicago Chronicle relating to the la
bor planks in the platform adopted at St. Louis
The Chronicle asserts that Mr. Bryan has been
guilty of "making additions to the platform," and
further asserts that "there is ,not a syllable in the
democratic platform as telegraphed to Chicago
on the subject of arbitration in labor troubles
or about the eight-hour day in government work."
Mr. Bryan is In no wise responsible for what
was "telegraphed to Chicago," but he is respon
sible for what appears in The" Commoner. The
best proof of what is in the platform is the plat
form itself. A copy of the platform certi
fied by the official stenographer as correct
in every word similar to the one read to the
convention contains this plank, under the sub-head
of "Capital and Labor":
We favor the enactment and administra
tion of laws giving labor and capital im
partially their just rights. Capital and la
bor ought not to be enemies. Each is neces
sary to the other. Each has its rights, but
the rights of labor are certainly no less
"vested," no less "sacred," and no less "in
alienable" than the rights of capital.
We favor arbitration, of differences be
tween corporate employers and their em
ployes, and a strict enforcement of the eight
hour law on all government work.
The Chronicle fdrther says that "as to got
ernment by injunction the platform is equally
silent about that also, unless reference is made
to the indorsement of the senate bill on the sub
ject of punishing contempt of court, which failed
to pass in 1896."
Immediately following the planks above
quoted the following appears in the platform
adopted at St. Louis:
We approve, the measure which passed
the United States senate in 1896, but which a
republican congress has ever since refused
to enact, relating to contempts in federal
courts and providing for trial by jury in cases
of indirect contempt.
Substantially the same words were used in
the "injunction plank" of the Chicago platform.
That platform said:
"We approve the bill passed at the last ses
sion of the United States senate, and now
pending in the house of representatives, rela
tive to contempts in federal courts, and pro
viding for trials by jury in certain cases of
contempt.
The Chronicle's inability to find what it does
not want to find is in no wise chargeable to
The Commoner or to Mr. Bryan. The platform
speaks for itself.
JJJ
"Frenzied Finance."
Thomas W. Lawson, the Boston financier, Is
engaged in writing a series of articles for ' Every
body's Magazine." These articles are entitle"
"Frenzied Finance: The story of. Almalgated. wr.
Lawson's conscience appears to have uee
quickened because he says that he has ' unwitting
ly been made the instrument by which thou&an s
upon thousands of investors in America ana w
rope havo been 'plundered.' " He wishes to inion
these investors of his intention in the PSVJ
that they may acquit him, of intentional uionD
Mr. Lawson declares that the system
which the- Amalgamated belongs "has for yu
as boldly, as .coarsely, and as cruelly robbea u
American people as the coolie slaves are rouy
by their masters," and ho ventures the : preu
tion that when ho has concluded Mb M
the people will not be contented with the resiu
---Mkgt!itt'r'ianfr n jj