Commoner.
WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER.
Vol, 4, N5: a8.
Lincoln, Nebraska, July 29, 1904.
Whole Number 184.
!The
MR. BRYAN'S SPEECH IN CONVENTION AT
At the democratic national convention at St.
Louis Mr. -Bryn; in seconding the nomination of
Senator IT. M. Cockrell to be president, spoke as
follows:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Conven
tion: Two nights without sleep and a cold make
it difficult for- me to make myself heard. I trust
that my voice will improve In a moment, but
as I desire to speak 'to the delegates rather than
to the galleries, I hope they at least will bo able
to hear.
Eight years ago a democratic national conven
tion placed in my hand the standard of the party
and commissioned, me as its candidate. Four years
later that commission was renewed. I come to
night to this democratic national convention to
return the commission. You may dispute whether
I have fought a good light, you may dispute
whether I have finished my course, but you cannot
deny that I have kept the faith. (Applause.)
As your candidate I did all that I could to
bring' success to the party; as a private citizen I
feel more Interested in democratic success today
than I ever did when I was a candidate. (Ap
plauBe.) . -
The reasons that made the election of a demo
crat desirable 'were stronger in 1900 than in 1896,
and the reasons thai make the election of a demo
crat desirable are stronger now than they were
in 1900. (Applause.)
The gentleman who presented New York's can
didate dwelt upon the dangers of militarism, and
he did not overstate those dangers. Let me quote
the most remarkable passage ever found in a
speech nominating a candidate for the presidency..
-Governor Black, of New York, in presenting
the name of Theodore Roosevelt to the republican
convention, used these words:
"The fate of nations is still decided by
their wars. You may talk of orderly tribunals
and learned referees; you may sing in your'
schools the gentle praises of the quiet life; -you
may strike from your books the last note
of every martial anthem, and yet out in the
smoke and thunder will always be the tramp
of horses and the silent, rigid, upturned face.
Men may prophesy and women pray, but peace
will come hero to abide forever on this earth
only when the dreams of childhood fere the
accepted charts to guide the destinies of men.
"Events are numberless and mighty, and.
no man can tell which wire runs around the
world. The nation basking today in the
quiet of contentment and repose may still
be on the deadly circuit and tomorrow writh
ing in the toils of war. This is the time when
great figures must be kept in front. If the
pressure is great the material to resist It must
be granite and iron."
This is a eulogy of war. This is a declara
tion that the hoped for, prayed for, era of per
petual peace will never come. This Js an exalt
ing of the doctrine of brute force; it darkens the
hopes of the race. (Applause.)
This republican president, a candidate for re
election, is presented as the embodiment of the
warlike spirit as "the granite and iron" that rep
resents modern militarism.
Do you, men of the east, desire to defeat the
military idea? Mends of the south, are you anx
ious to defeat the military idea? Let me assure
you that not one of you north, east, or south,
fears more than I do the triumph of that idea.
If this is the doctrine that our nation is to stand
for, it is retrogression, not progress. It is a low
ering of the ideals of the nation. It is a turning
backward to the age of violence. More than that,
it is nothing less than a challenge to the Christian
civilization of the world. (Applause.)
Some twenty-six hundred years ago a prophet
foretold the. coming of One who was to be called
the Prince of. Peace. Nearly two thousand years
ago He came -upon the earth, and the song that
was sung at His birth was "Peace on earth, good
will toward men" (Applause.) For almost twen-
ST, LOUIS
ty centuries this doctrino of peace has been grow
ing; it has been taking hold upon the hearts of
men. For this doctrine of peace, millions havo
gladly given their lives; for this doctrine of peace,
thousands have crossed oceans and labored in dis
tant lands, aye, even among savage tribes. This
doctrino of peace, the foundation of Christian civ
ilization, has been the growing hope and inspira
tion of the world. And now, an ox-governor of
the largest state in the Union presents for the
office of president of the greatest republic of all
history, a man who is described as "granito and
iron," as one who represents, not the doctrine of
peace and arbitration, but the doctrine that the
destinies of nations must still bo settled by their
wars. (Applause.) Will you democrats of New
York present a graver indictment against Presi
dent Roosevelt than that? Can you of the south
present a more serious accusation? I do not ask
concerning the character of the president. Ho may
have every virtue; his life may bo exemplary in
every way; but if he shares the views of the man
who placed him in nomination, if he believes
with his sponsor that wars must settle the desti
nies of nations; that peace is but an idle, childish
dream, that women may pray for it; that men
may prophesy about it; but that all this talk of
"orderly tribunals and learned referees" is but an
empty soundIf he bellovcs these things he is a
dangerous man for our country and for the
world. (Applause.) I bollove ho ought to be de
feated; I believe ho can be defeated fnd-If ttfS"
democratic party does what it ought to do, I be-
lleve he will bo defeated. (Applause)
How can' he be defeated? As your candidate
I tried to defeat the republican party. I failed,
you say? Yes, I failed. I received a million more
voteff than any democrat had over received before,
and yet I failed. Why did I fall? Because some
Who had affiliated with the democratic party
thought my election would be injurious 'to he
country, and they left the party and helped to
elect my opponent. That is why I failed. I have
no words of criticism for them. (Applause.) J.
have always believed, I believe tonight, I shall
ever believe, I hope, that a man's duty to his
country is higher than his duty to his party.
(Applause.) I hope that men of all parties will
have the moral courage to leave their parties when
they believe that to stay with their parties would
injure their country. The success of our govern
ment depends upon the independence and tho
moral courage of its citizens. (Applause.)
But, my friends, if I, with six million and a
half votes, failed to defeat the republican party,
can those who defeated me succeed in defeating
the republican party? If under the leadership of
those who were loyal in 1896 we failed, shall we
succeed under the leadership of those who were
not loyal In 1896? (Applause.)
If we are going to havo some other god be
sides this modern Mars, presented to us by Gov
ernor Black, what kind of a" god Is it to be?
Must we choose between a god of war and a god
of gold? (Applause.)
If there is anything that compares in hatoful
ness with militarism, it is plutocracy, and I In
sist that the democratic party ought not to be
compelled to choose between militarism on the one
side and plutocracy on the other. (Applause.)
We have agreed upon a platform, after a ses
sion of sixteen hours. We entered the committee
room at 8 last evening and left it at 12 today.
But I never employed sixteen hours to better ad
vantage in my life. (Applause.) I helped to
bring the party together. The report was unani
mous and we can go before the country with a
united jmrty. (Applause.)
How did we reach an agreement? The plat
form Is not all that we of the west desired; it is
not all that our eastern democrats desired. -Wo
had to consent to- the omission of some things
that wo wanted In the platform. They had to
I
consent to tho omission of somo things that they
wanted in tho platform. But by mutual concea
sion wo agreed upon a platform, and we will stand
on that platform in this campaign. (Applause.)
But, my friends, wo need moro than a plat
form. (Applause.) Wo must nomlnato a ticket,
and that is tho work now beforo this convention.
Had a majority of you como to this convention in
structed for any man I not only would not ask you
to disregard your instructions; I would not, if I
could prevent It, pormit you to disregard your In
structions. (Applause)
I believe in tho right of the poople to rule.
I bellovo in tho right of the people to instruct
their dolcgates, and whon a dolcgato is instructed,
tho instruction is binding upon him. But no
candldato comes with a majority instructed for
him. That means that you, tho delegates, are left
to select a candldato upon your own responsibil
ity and a grave responsibility it Is. Grave, In
deed, is tho responsibility resting upon tho dele
gates assembled in this convention!
I have not cbmo to ask anything of this con
vention. Nebraska asks nothing but to be per
mitted to fight tho battles of domocracy; that Is
all. (Applause.) Somo of you call me a dictator.
It Is false. You know It is falso. (Applause.)
How havo I tried to dictate? I havo said that I
thought certain things ought to bo done. Havo
'you not exercised tho same privilege? Why have
I not a right to suggest? (Applause.) Because I
'was your candidate, havo I forfeited forever the
right to make suggestions? Sirs, If that condi
tion was attached to a nomination for tho presi
. jflency, no man worthy to bo .president would ever
accept a'-no'mlnation, (Ariplaukifortfw--rijt
of a man to havo an opinion and to express It is
more Important and moro sacred than tho hold
ing of any office however high.
I expressed my opinion In regard to tho plat
form; I made my suggestions. Not all of them
were adopted. I should like to havo seen tho Kan
sas City platform reaffirmed. (Applause.) I am
not ashamed of that platform. I believe ln'It now,
as I believed In It when I was running upon it as
your candidate, but the delegates jlo not agrco
with me, and their will Is supreme" In the making
of tho platform. When they veto my suggestions,
I must submit; there Is no other court to which
I can appeal.
Neither have I attomptod to dictate In regard
to candidates. I havo not asked tho democrats of
this nation to nominate any particular man. I
have said and repeat that there aro men In every
state qualified for the presidency; I have said and
repeat that out of the six and a half millions who
voted for me In both campaigns, we ought to bo
able to find at least one man fit to be president.
(Applause.) I havo mado these suggestions, but
thoy are only suggestions. I am hero tonight as a
delegate from Nebraska. I havo not conlldenco
enough Inmy own Judgment to tell you that I can
pick out a man and say, "This man must be nom
inated or wo shall lose." I have, I think, a rea
sonable faith in my own opinions; at least i
'would rather stand by my opinion If I believo
it right than to accept tho opinion of any on'o
else if I believe that opinion to be wrong. (Ap
plause.) But Nebraska Is not here asking for the nomi
nation of any particular man. Wo havo a plat
form on which we all can stand. (Applause.) Now
give us a ticket behind which all of us can stand.
(Applause.) Go into any stato you please for a
candidate. I have not as much faith as soma
have in the value of locality. I have never be
lieved much in nominating candidates from doubt
ful states on the theory that their personal pop-
ularity would elect them.
I have so much confidence in democratic prin
ciples that I think a democrat ought to vote for
a good man from any other stato rather than vote
for a bad man from his own state. (Applause.)
The state pride argument is often given too much
weight I havo found that when people come with
a candidate and tell us, first, that we must carry
ii
I
;
ik
m
1
if
m
$
ft
1
ill
Kl
I'
it
T?
i'1
fl
ffi
ft
i
i'L,
