niSSSwEpr v V - nr 9" 'wr ;wtvi-jf
OLTJMB 3, NUMBER
flcatlons as eaBy as conditions would permit, and
doing justlco to tho Hack man and the -white
man both according, to my best judgment.
As a citizen of tho north practically unac
quainted with tho conditions that tho .southern
. whites have to moot, I would rofuso to express
an opinion without first informing myself moro
fully. I might favor a, qualification if I lived In
one state and oppose it if I lived in another, be
ing governed entirely by the conditions that had
to be mot
Tho position which I take does not in tho
least controvert tho principles set forth in the
Declaration of Independence. A qualification for
suffrage does-not deny the natural and inalienable
rights of tho black man. The negro in the south,
as I have frequently pointed out, has the same
constitutional guaranties as tho white man, and
lives under tho law that the white man makes for
himself. If ho cannot vote today, he can look
' forward to tho time when ho may vote. The sub
ject, on tho other hand, who lives under a colonial
system is denied constitutional protection, can-'
not look forward to citizenship, and lives under a
law passed by tho dominant power, a power which
itself escapes the burdens that it imposes upon
tho subject
Whero two races must live together under
the samo government, the superior race, as a mat
ter of self-preservation, will impose conditions
upon the inferior, just as the individual may de
fend himself even to tho point of taking life in
tho protection of his own life, or ho may put
a dangerous enemy under bonds to keep tho
peace. It is not a denial of the-equal rights of
others to protect one's own rjght, .but as it is
always necessary for one to show that he acted
for the protection of himself, so at the bar of
public opinion those who fix5 suffrage qualifications
upon others must show that it is done in self-defense;
and for self-preservation. -Yours truly
. .- . , "W. J. BRYAN.
The Philippine Question.
yr A reader of The Commoner asks whether the
republican party has done anything In tho Phil
ippine matter that would prevent the carrying out
of the democratic policy. It has done nothing and
it can do nothing that would make it unwise to
carry out the democratic platform on this subject
The democratic party contends that title to
people cannot be obtained by conquest or by pur
chase, and that no lapse of time can validate a
title gained by force and held by force. If a
man . makes a note while under- duress no con
tinuation, of the duress can make the note good.
The democratic platform announces a permanent
policy. It denies that this country can exist half
-republic and half empire, and it insists that the
right of the Filipinos to independence 'should bo
recognized. If that right had been recognized In
tho Paris treaty it would have saved the ex
penditure of millions of money, and the loss of
thousands of lives. If it is recognized now it will
save future loss and bloodshed, although it. can
not repair tho lc already suffered or restore the
lives already sacrificed.
A. long continuance of the colonial policy
simply means, a continuation of sacrifice of life
and money, butno amount of wrong-doing can
commit this country permanently to a wrong
policy or make it dishonorable to do right. From
the beginning the democratic position has been
that tho nation should immediately declare its
purpose, first, to establish a stable form of gov
ernment in the Philippine islands in tho place of
the government overthrown; second, to recognize
.the independence Of the Filipinos as soon as the
stable government is established, and, third, to
protect the Filipino government from outside in
terference as we have protected tho republics of
Central and South America.. .That policy was
right when it was adopted; it is right now, and
The Commoner. -
it will bo right when the opportunity comes to put
it into practice, whether it is this year or. next
year, or farther in the future. '
The democratic portion on this question can
not be abandoned without an abandonment of ..our
principles of government. It cannot be revised,
because there is no other course that is demo
cratic. To recognize the right of this country to
administer a colonial system is to impeach the
foundation principles of our government To ad
vocate the incorporation of tho Filipinos as em
bryo citizens to participate in tho election of
members of congress and senators and presidents,
is not to be thought of, for It would involve this
country in a race question even more difficult
to handle than the tremendous race problem with
which the nation Is now grappling.
No democrat need fear to defend the position
of his party on the Philippine question. No re
publican with prominence enough to be consid
ered a leader dares to outline the policy of the
republican party'and as long as the republicans
have no position that they are willing to an
nounce there is no reason why a democrat should
bo afraid of the discussion of fro Philippine ques
tion. JJJ t
Is It a Battle Without Quarter?
The retail price of anthracite coal in Chicago
was recently raised to $7.76 a ton.
- In April, 190, the price was $7.25 and each
month since then a 10-cent raise has been made.
In April, 1902, before the strike began, tho
price was ?6.75, or 50 cents lower than April, 1903.
In April, 1901, the price was &d,60,,or 75 cents
lower than in 1903.
In an editorial printed in Its issue of Septem
ber 3, the Chicago Record-Herald says:.
"These increases In price, both month by
month through the summer and from year ,to-,
year,(are arbitrary act;s on. the part of the men
who monopolize ttie "anthracite coal fields and
who 'own the coal-carrying railroads. There"
is no excuse for such increases because of the
advance in wages of the miners, for, as wo
have already shown, that advance represents
not over 10 or 15 cents a ton.
"The operators have power to add an
other 25 or 50 cents to the price whenever
they wish. Indeed we have no means of be- '
ing sure that they are not experimenting .with
prices this year in order to see how much
higher they can put the figure next year."
The Record-Herald thinks that this condition
of things -is "a continuous challenge to the peo
ple of the country to an aggressive warfare
through their lecislatures and in the courts." Al
though the Record-Herald places a high estimate
upon the power of the coal trust in Pennsylvania
and also upon the influence of that trust with
the interstate' commerce commission, it thinks
that the fight against that trust is not ".entirely
hopeless." On tins point the Record-Herald says;
"Legal ingenuity has not as yet been ex
hausted in meeting their case, and as they
operate a notorious monopoly and carry on
a ..combination of business interests which is
generally repugnant to the law, it is quite
within the possibilities that a way may be
found to obstruct and hamper .them and sp
to bring them to terms. It is perhaps not
necessary to say that if it should -be found
there will be no compunctions of conscience
over the use of the power of the state against
them. They are makngthis a battle with
out quarter."
It is not only necessary for the Record-Herald
to say that if a way may be found to bring" these
coal barons to terms "there will be no compunc
tions of conscience over the use of the power of
the state against -them;" but it is necessary that
the Record-Herald give some reason for its faith
upon this particular point
It Is not necessary to rummage through musty
lawbooks in order to discover a very effective way
of dealing with these trust magnates. The au
thorities have but to turn to the Sherman anti-.
trust law with: whose provisions they are already
lam
quite familiar. The chief provision of thaf
and. indeed, the vrv flrf onnn x.- . at
r - w r -mrmt j auii .na.i ri iinnnir
fine and imprisonment for men who BeekT?
the things these coal barons have done and Zl
they are now doing. m
. As a rule, the Record-Herald is a frankb
spoken newspaper. The Commoner desires to di
rect its attention to the fact that no republican
newspaper and no spokesman for the administra
tion has yet undertaken to explain why therepufc
lican authorities have ignored the criminal clause
of the anti-trust law. In the presence of a crim
inal statute, enforced by an honest and relentless
prosecutor, tho most powerful and the richest oj
men have quailed. If the coal barons have made
this, as the Record-Herald says, "a battle without
quarter," why should the people's representatives
remain idle while the trust magnates continue
their impositions upon, the public? Why not bring
.every one of these. influential law-breakers to jus
tice under the criminal- clause of the federal anti
trust law? Why should tho authorities content
themselves with restraining jorders and injunction
proceedings when they, have ready at hand the
criminal prosecution, the most simple and effeo
tive proceeding under the circumstances?
Can the Record-Herald 'explain, and will it
explain, why the first section of the Sherman anti
trust law has been ignored by republican authori
ties ,who pretend to be willing and anxious to em
force the law against the coal barons?
JJJ
Another Gold Bug Fallacy.
An Illinois reader of The Commoner says thai
the gold bugs are asserting that England is buy
ing up silver at a low price with the expectation
of making a profit if the United States restores
silver. This is on a- par with the arguments that
are generally used to support- the Wall street sys-.
tern Of 'finances There Is, no. considerable amount
of. silver bullion held either by'Individuals or by;
governments, and England least of all would he
benefited by the rise in silver.- ' When silver is
cheap- she an purchase silver at a low price and
send it to India for cotton and wheat (not tho
English government, but the English traders).
With silver at $1.29 per ounce, England would
have to pay moro for her wheat and her cotton,
and our producers would reap the benefit. The
argument made by the more conscienceless of
the gold papers" that the mine owners are the
only people who would profit by bimetallism, and
that those who advocate it are in the employ of
the mine owners, is an insult to the intelllgem'O
of the readers of those papers. Biirietallism is a
system of finance, and those who advocate it are
interested in silver as money, not in silver as
merchandise. We have already had four interna
tional conferences to deal- with the money ques
tion, and have a commission abroad now. If It
is only a matter of interest to the mine owners,
why have all tho nations in tho world been con
sidering it for twenty-five years? The editor
who attempts to put aside the" money question by
abusing the producers of silver writes himself
down as an ignoramus or a knaVe. He lacks
either brain capacity or conscience.
SJJ
" Money to Burn."
Some of the imperfections of the methods em
ployed by the .United States government are shown
in the annual report of the auditor for the treas
ury department. In this report, it is made lenown
that while there are 158 ports of entry where cus
toms revenues are collected, there are also thirty
two different systems of compensating collectors
and surveyors of the ports.
The United States government is presumed to
do business on business principles ' and yet a
glance at this auditor's report will convince the
most skeptical that la the adjustment of the sal
aries for collectors and surveyors of the ports.
the government falls .vjery "short of 'the 'mark. Fo
V r
m
