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SEPTEMBER .Jl,1903.
The Commoner,
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A STRIKING PICTURE
The Philadelphia Public Ledger is a republi
can paper. An editorial in the Public Ledger of
September 1 is entitled, "Coal: A Glut and a
Famine." The Public Ledger, although evidently
realizing that it is required ,o deal with a serious
situation, seems to understand that it owes some
thing to its famous reputation for "conservatism;"
and so it says that "we are told from time to time
that a great deal of nonsense Is said about cor
porate greed and trust oppression." The Public
Ledger says that there can be no doubt that con
siderable nonsense is said, but it adds that "when
the consumer loolts at the situation brought about
by the anthracite coal combination, he begins to
feel that there is, at least, one trust which justifies
the most vigorous criticism." -
The Public Ledger's editorial Is so interest
ing that the greater pbrtion of It is here repro
duced. That republican paper says:
Coal is coming from the mines fasfer than
the consumer will buy it; coal is piled up in
the storage yards; coal everyhero, and yet
the price of coal has jumped In two sharp
, bounds a clear dollar a ton in the past few
' years. Here is an anomaly which would stag
ger Adam Smith: A glut In the coal market
and a famine to the consumer; for it is in
deed true, as a Wilkesbarre operator said in
yesterday's Public Ledger, "anthracite is be
coming a luxury."
Of course, there is only one thing for the
coal trust to do under the circumstances; re- ,
duco the price of coal to a reasonable figure
and sell it? Not by any means; keep the
price up to the sordid exaction of $6.75 and
shut down the mines, and If the people can
not afford to buy It, let t.om use electricity
or go to Florida fo.r the winter. But is it not
said there Is no trust? Let the wise, and
even the simple, look at the spectacle of the
coal operators closing down mines in unison
to curtail production; the beautiful unanimity
with which they advance the price 10 cents a
ton each month during the summer; the de
lightful harmony with which they have raised
the price of coal 50 cents a ton aftei each of
the recent strikes; how, finally, they have
made the last high price permanent, and then
judge. Supply and demand? The mines are
to be shut down, and coal is maintained at
a permanent price $1 a ton higher than It
was a few years ago, and then it was high.
Coal operators do not deign as a usual
thing to tell why prices of coal are high, but
in a general way the public finds out that
the operators have a poi.cy of making the
consumers pay for strikes. After the 1900
strike coal was advanced 50 cents a ton. Two
or three months of this extraordinary addi
tional profit would pay for any losses con
nected with any strike. The months wore on,
and the consumer found that the 50 cents
extra was a fixture. The annual production
of anthracite was then from 55,000.000 to 60,
000,000 tons, and the consumers began to con-
tribute an added profit of anywhere from $20,
000.000 to $30,000,000 a year. The 1902 strike
followed, and although the operator" were
collecting an exorbitant price for coal from
the public an additional 50 cents went on top
of the former "penalty." which the public
must pay. The production is now 60.000.000
tons. There was a 10 per cent increase in
miners' wages and other slight Increases,
which make the cost of pro;' tion a little
highera few cents a ton, perhaps and the
coal trust is exacting annually a dollar a ton
on 60.000.000 tons from the American public
more than was paid previous to the two
strikes. What would the consumer do if there
should be another strike or two?
"It has been suggested that the coal trust
has no right anyway to make the public
pay for its strikes, even if It were exacting
only the few millions which the strikes act
ually cost What a futile suggestion! What
has right or justice got to do with the con
duct of a "gentlemen's agreement?"
The presjflent- of the United States Inter
veaed in the last coal strike, appointed a wise
and able commission, and settled the trouble
to the great benefit of the suffering public.
A republican paper directt attention to the great eviU of ths 1
coal trust and yet, in mggesting a remedy, omit referenu to
the moat effective of all ueapont. the criminal ciauu of the antU
(rustlaw
He has been criticised for doing an admirable
thing because it was extra-constitutional.
blncG then a new department of commerce and
labor has been created, and one of its de
partments is called the bureau of corpora
tions, whose duty it is to investigate and re
port on greedy trusts which oppress the peo
ple, in order that the congress and the exe
cutive may have guidance for action. What
better beginning could tho bureau of corpora
tions make than with the coal trust, which has
an entire monopoly and enforces It? If there
was need for tho president to intervene in
1902, when ho had no constitutional warrant,
is there not now stronge. reasons why tho
bureau should get to work in tho coal field
and crush the monopoly by tho strong hand of
tho law?
The coal consumers of tho country do not
need assurances from newspapers that they aro
Being imposed upon; and the editorial In tho
Public Ledger is important largely because of
tho fact that it may serve as an illustration of
the disinclination of republican newspapers to
advise practical and effective methods in dealing
with influential lawbreakers.
YLot the reader carefully observe tho striking
picture which the Public Ledger draws of tho in
conveniences and the sufferings to which tho
coal consumers of the country are subjected be
cause of tho greed of the coal barons. That re
publican paper admits that under tho manipula
tion of tho coal barons, we find "a glut in tho
coal market and a famine to the consumer." It
admits that, not because of any scarcit; In coal,
but rather because of the greed of the coal barons
that "anthracite is becoming a luxury."
In all seriousness, so it seems, tho Public
Ledger invites the attention of the people to "tho
spectacle of the coal operators closing down mines
in unison to curtail production; tho beautiful
unanimity with which they advance the price 10
conts'a ton each month during tho summer; tho
delightful harmony with which they have raisel
tho price of coal 50 cento a ton after each of tho
recent strikes; how, finally, they have made tho
last high price permanent." And then the Pub
lic Ledger shows that these coal barons have de
vised a plan for making the coal consumers pay
the expenses of all the coal strikes.
In recognition of this situation what has tho
Public Ledger to offer by way of suggesting a rem
edy? Having displayed its indignation, the Pub
lic Ledger directs attention to the fact that a new
department of commerce and labor has been cre
ated; that "one of its departments is called tho
bureau of corporations whose duty it is to in
vestigate and report on greedy trusts which op
press the people, in order that the congress and
the executive may have guidance for action
and the Public Ledger says: "If there was need
for the president to Intervene in 1902, when he
had no constitutional warrant, is. there not now
stronger reason why the bureau should get to
work in the coal field and crush the monopoly by
the strong hand of the law?"
Is it not strange that this republican paper
should call for an Investigation by a bureau cre
ated less than a year ago and insist that this bu
reau "should get to work in the coal field and
crush the monopoly by the strong hand of the
law?"
How does It happen that this republican paper
overlooks the very first clause in the Sherman
anti-trust law? That clause provides for criminal
prosecution of the trust magnates. Inasmuch as
the Public Ledger, with all of its conservatism,
has deemed it necessary to draw what ii its own
vernacular might be called "a populistlc descrip
tion" of the situation, so far as concerns the coal
trust.ils it not strange, if not indeed significant.
that that papor entirely overlooks tht moat ef
fective weapon within tho reach of the authorities,
namoly, tho criminal clauoo of tho fcdoral anti
trust law7l
Thordls no occasion for long drawn out in
vestigation. There Is no occasion for pathotic np
poals to bureaus. Thcro is no occasion for con
gressional Inquiries. Tho Public Ledgor itself has
well described tho impositions which tho coal trust
places upon tho consumers. Every intelligent man
understands tho situation. The facta arc readily
within tho reach of tho fcdoral department of
Justice. Let Mr. Roosovolt instruct his attorney
general to commonco proceedings against theso
coal barons under tho criminal clause of tho Sher
man anti-trust law and those proceedings would
do moro to provido relief to the people and to
bring theso wealthy anarchists to their ncnBcs
than all tho Investigations and all the inquiries
that could bo put on foot through tho combined
influences of tho department of commerce and of
labor and of congress.
If tho Public Ledger really beliovcs that the
authorities "should get to work in tho coal field
and crush tho monopoly by tho strong hand of tho
law," let tho Public Ledger insist that Mr. Roose
velt direct his attornoy general to proceed under
tho very simple and effective plan of criminal In
dictment as amply provided for in tho chief feat
ure of tho federal anti-trust law.
If tho Public Ledger is not willing to advise a
resort to criminal prosecution, it might, at least,
inform its readers as to its reasons for ignoring
that very effective weapon in dealing with Influ
ential lawbreakers.
Honey in Old Clothes.
' In another column Tho Commoner reproduces
an interesting editorial from tho Detroit Times.
That editorial is entitled "Wouldn't you like to
Isbuo money on your old clothes?" Thoso repub
licans, who imagine that the republican party can
do no wrong and that every policy which that
party undertakes must be in lino with public in
terests should carefully read tho Detroit Times'
editorial.
A Detroit reader of The Commonor calls at
tention to this editorial and writes: "The Times
has not been noted for putting itself in sympathy
with the free coinage Idea and has never shown
any partiality for the principles enunciated by ths
Kansas City platform, and yet there Is much hope
for the editor of that paper when he could get on
the right side of any subject pertaining to the
currency as he has got in this case."
JJJ
Education.
The attention of young men and young women
Is directed to the offer made by Tho Commoner,
which offer place a college education within the
reach of every young reader of this paper. In
formation concerning this offer will be found in
another column of this Issuo and further details
will be provided upon application to this office.
The publisher of The Commoner will be gratified
if a large number of young men and young women
avail themselyes of this opportunity to obtain an
education.
JJJ
Democratic Clubs Organized.
The Jefferson League of Indiana; Mr. Edgar
L. Maines of ZIonsville, Ind., president; Mr.
Claude G. Bowers, Torre Haute, Ind., secretary.
The Bryan Democratic club, Clarks Hill, Ind.;
6 members enrolled; Mr. A. F. Yeamen, presi
dent; Mr. Clyde Richards, secretary.
Jefferson Democratic club, Barre, Vt; 38
members; Mr. Geo. N. Tilden, President; Mr. G.
II. Pane, secretary.
Jefferson Democratic club. Vail, la.; Mr. Jo.
Plep8r, president; Mr. S. A. Krai, secretary.
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