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The Commoner.
fc WILLIAn J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
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Vol. 3. No. 31.
Lincoln, Nebraska, August 21, 1903.
Whole No. 135.
a THE RACE PROBLEM
On another page will bo found a letter re
cently written by President Roosevelt to Governor
Durbiri on the subject of lynching. Forgetting for
the present the failure of the president to enforce
the law against tne trust magnates and Govornor
Durbin's refusal ..o deliver to Kentucky authori
ties a republican ex-governor charged with mur
der, let us consider the subject of mob law as it
is related to the race question. The president is
right in protesting against mob law it cannot be
defended. It is a reflection on the people if legal
means of punishment are adequate and effective,
and it is a reflection 01 the government if the
people have reason to distrust its ability to en
forc6 the law. All will agree with the president
that punishment should not only be sure, but
should be as swift as a due regard to the rights of
the accused will permit Whatever punishments
are sanctioned by public opinion should be em
bodied in the law and in the case of crimes against
women the laws should be such oven though a
constitutional amendment were njcessary to se
cure itthat the victim of the outrage will be pro-
tected'fromKe liumiliationwof haying'.to give tes-
timoriy before a crowd of curious, but disinter
ested, persons.
The president is also to be commended on hav
ing coupled a denunciation of rape with a con
demnation of lynching. Too many cry out against
the lawless punishment without saying anything
against the horrible crime which arouses the anger
of the people. If some of the enthusiasm that is
spent in passing resolutions denouncing mob law
was employed in condemning the unspeakable
fceastiality that provokes summary punishment
there would be fewer instances of mob law.
The fact that the president did not specifically
mention southern lynchings shows that the' lynch
ings and burnings in rrthern states have con
vinced him that race prejudice is as strong in Illi
nois, Indiana, Delaware, anJ Kansas as in Mis
sissippi, Georgia, Alabama, or Texas.
jit may be well in this connection to con
sider race prejudice for a moment in connection
with mob law. That there 's such a thing must
be admitted. It is written on. every page of his
tory and is not likely to disar.-r soon. It must
be remembered, too, that the negro has" as much
prejudice against the white man as the white
man has against the negro, and if the negro was
in a position to rule the white nan there is no
reason to doubt that the white man Would have
reason to complain. This was apparent in the carpet-bag
days and is apparent today wherever it
can find expression.
JA sense of justice, however, restrains this
prejudice and it is not often that either the white
man or the negro says anything in the presence
of the other that is calculated to offend. Color is
not a matter of choice, neither can it bo changed
by will or by law. It is, therefore, as unkind to
taunt a man with being black as it is unreasonable
for a black man to be angered by such. a taunt.
A man is to be prateed or blamed according
to the use he makes of his talents or opportuni
ties, not by his inherited advantages. The fact
that a negro is lynched by a mob because of an
outrage upon a woman ought not to increase tho
race prejudice that exists. White men aro lynched
for the same crime. Neither must tho white man's
feeiings toward tho negro bo judged by his con
duct when' under great excitement Man mad is
an entirely different creature from man -deliberate.
Men in anger have killed fathers, wives,
brothers, sons and friends they have broken ov
ery tie of love and kinship.
Suffrage qualifications cannot bo attributed en
tirely to race prejudice for suffrage qualifications
aro to bo found in nearly all countries and havo
been employed in many of our own states. They
havo been employed by white men against mem
bers of the white race and by peoplo of every color
against peoplo of their own color. Woman suf
fragists complain that women are disfranchised
and such disfranchisement cannot bo explained on
the ground of race prejudice either, for husband
and wife, mother and son, aro not only of tho
same race, but aro linked together by tho strong
est bonds known.
pho suffrage amendments in tho south, so
r. mohompjlined' of by republican politicians, are
"'not nearly so severe as tho republican colonial
policy in the Philippines.'
First In every southern state some of tho
.negroes can vote now, and all others can qualify
themselves for suffrage; In tho Philippines tho
inhabitants aro permanently disqualified.
Second The negroes in the south, even when
they cannot vote, havo the protection of federal
and state constitutions; the Filipino has no con
stitutional protection whatever.
Third The negroes in the south live under
the laws that the white man makes for himself;
' tho Filipino lives under laws that we make for
him and would not live under ourselves
While tho brown man of the Orient is faring
worse than the black man in the south, the re
publican leaders are stirring up race antagonism
in this country In order to keep the colored vote
eolid for the republican party. Even the presi
dent has contributed moro than his slyire to tho
agitation. When he has appointed a colored man
to. office he has dono it with a flourish of trum
pets and a brass band accompaniment that tho
world might know that tho "door" was wide open.
When a colored postmistress was objected to he
refused to allow her to resign and closed tho
office and did it allay race prejudice? No; it
did more to excite race prejudice than any ten
colored appointments that President McKinley
rr.ade.
The Booker T. Washington dinner at the
White house did even more than the indianola
postoffice incident to excite race prejudice.
The president surely did not Intend to inject
the question of social equality into politics, for
on that issue he could not carry a state in the
Union; then why arouse the colored people to ex
pect social equality or agitate the whites with tho
fear of it? It is a grievous mistake to turn the
negro's thoughts from the substantial advantages
of industrial, intellectual and moral progress to
the unsubstantial promises of social recognition,
"he amalgamation of the races is not the solu
tion of tho raco question, and that would be the
logical 'result of social equality. In their nat
ural right to life, llborty and tho pursuit of hap
piness tho white man and tho black man aro
equal and thoso rights should bo protected with
jealous care. Educational advantages should be
open to both races and both should bo encour
aged to secure rll tho mental discipline possible.
Whether tho more advanced race should fix
suffrage qualifications for tho less advanced is a
question to be determined by tho facts in the
case, but it is safo to say that on this subject the
people of tho north would bo much like the people
of the south if they woro compelled to moot the
same conditions.
As to social equality thcro should bo a frank
and candid understanding. There is no difference
on this subject 1 otween tho whito peoplo of the
north and tho whito peoplo of tho south. The color
line is drawn by republican families as distinctly
as it is by democratic families, as distinctly by
northern famlles as by southern families. There
is moro friendliness and helpfulness whero this
-is recognized than whore it is left in doubt and
uncertainty.
VTho white raco ought to recognize tho rights
of tho black raco and lond it overy possible as
sistancoj Tho whites of tho south are taxing
themselves to educate tho children of darker skin,
while republican politicians in tho north aro rid
ing into office on black votes and, while they ex
clude tho colored peoplo from their social func
tions, aro constantly trying to array tho southern
negro against tho southern white man.
There is another aspect of tho question. The
promise of social equality false as it is encour
ages the educated negro to hope to get away from
his race and thus tho race loses tho benefit that
the moro progressive negroes might bring to it
Instead of trying to bleach tho face or to take the
kink out of tho hair let tho colored man recognize
that ho Is black by nature and set to work to show
what one of his raco can accomplish No upright,
intelligent and law-abiding colored man ever gets
into trouble himself or Involves his peoplo in a
race war. After the colored man has established
a reputation for virtue, sobriety and good sense,
let him devote himself to tho building up of a
society that will satisfy his needs. If he hag
daughters let him make them worthy of the best
young men of his raco; if he has sons, let bint
make them examples of industry and good habits.
To "deserve respect and not enjoy it is better thajL
to enjoy respect without deserving it, but to de
serve respect Is the best and B'.-est way to secur.
it
A good character Is more valuable and mort
permanent than a postoffice, and nothing will d
more to kill race prejudice than the building up ofc
character.
The white man needs to be reminded, as the
president suggests, that lawlessness Is dangerous,
and torture demoralizing to those who practice
it, but the black man must also be cautioned not
to judge the white man's life purpose by the pa
sions of an hour and he should be warned not to
allow the vices and lusts of the most abandoned
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