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The Commoner.
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'AUGUST 7, 1903.
officials, presumably its board of directors, have
directed that these passes be sent to members ot
congress. As it must bo assumed that these offi
cials are acting for what they regard as the In
terests of the stockholders, and as, so far as I
am aware, no report of the company has oves
disclosed the appioximato cost to the company in
furnishing free transportation to members of con
gress, both the stockholders and the public gen
erally who in the last analysis pay for these free
rides in higher rates are cnt'tlod to know that
such a practice is being systematically prosecuted,
and that so great a temptation is being put before
the people's representatives.
"It is frequently asserted that railroad and
other "special privilege" corporations, are forced
to comply with demands from legislators for these
and other pecuniary favors, and were it not for
such blackmail (as tho companies term it) the
companies would not bribe officials. In view of
this official action of your company, In tendering
through you these passes without solicitation, and
apparently judging from your language on a
wholesale scale else why are "regulations"
"modified" those who have heretofore regarded
your company as possibly a victim, must now re
vise their opinion and regard it as an instigator
of official misconduct Yours respectfully,
"ROBERT BAKER."
JJJ
Cummins and the Fowler Bill.
Governor Cummins of Iowa delivered a speech
before the bankers of Illinois and Iowa at Daven
port, July 29. Governor Cummins said that "a
reform in the law touching currency is one of tho
things so necessary that the tortured body of
business interests is in the agony of its move
ments;" and tho governor added:
"Why is not reform effected? You may
tell me that it is because the members of
congress cannot agree upon a plan. But this
will be a superficial answer. There are dif
ferences of opinion, I know. Men have al
ways differed and always will differ upon such
questions. If you will examine profoundly your
own hearts you will agree with me that the
reason tho Fowler bill or some other bill of
like scope and having a like general purpose
was .not adopted by the last session of congress
because there were too many members who
wanted to 'stand pat' and were determined to
'let well enough alone.'"
A great many people will bo surprised to
learn that Governor Cummins favors "the Fowler
bill or some other bill of like scope and having a
like general purpose;" and yet the readiness with
which Governor Cummins accepted the Allison
platform, in which platform the "Iowa idea" was
practically repudiated, may have so paved tho
way that, after all, the governor's advocacy of tho
Fowler bill was not a surprise to every one.
The governor, however, is mistaken as to tho
reason why the Fowler bill or some similar meas
ure was not adopted by tho last session of con
grecs. The men who coined and the men who
are most devoted to the phrases "let well enough
alone" and "stand pat" were anxious that tho
Fowler bill be passed, but that it failed of pass
age is due to the knowledge by many members of
congress that the people were opposed to the
Fowler bill and congressmen were disinclined to
faco their constituents after the passage of such
a measure.
But since then, considerable missionary work
has bwn done among republican politicians and
also among republican editors. We find here and
there republican statesmen who have all along
objected to the Fowler bill falling in line and
also hero and there we see republican editors,
who once sought to assure the people that there
was no danger of the republican party passing
euch a measure, coming to its support
The passage of measures like the Fowler bill
la entirely in line with the position of the "lot
well enough aloners" and tho "stand patters.
When they say "let well enough alone" they
mean it to apply to any burden which the people
mow bear; and when they say that their purpose
Is to "stand pat" they mean they will "stand patr
in refusing to give the people relief. But when
tho financiers of Wall street, when tariff barons
and representatives of other special interests ask
for legislation, the "let well- enough aloners" and
tho "stand patters" insist that Wo must "keep
pace with the progress of the time."
JJJ
If that "open door in China" would swing as
wide as some of tho diplomatic mouths that con
tinually boast about it, something might bo accomplished.
ROOSEVELT VS. LINCOLN
In his speech at Springfield, 111., Mr. Rooso
velt said:
"It is a good thing for us, by speech, to
pay homage to tho memory of Abraham Lin
coln, but it is an infinitely bottor thing for
ub in our lives to pay homago to his momory
In tho only way In which that homago can
bo effectively paid, by seeing to It that this
republic's Hfo, social and political, civic and
industrial, is shaped now in accordance with
the ideals which Lincoln preached and which
all his life long ho practiced, lno greatness
of our forefathers must serve not as an ox
cuso to us for failing to do our duties in re
turn, but as a spur to mako us feel that wo
are doubly recreant to tnem as well as to
ourselves if wo fail to rise levol with tho
standards they set"
If Mr. Roosevelt is sincere in making this
statement, then why does ho not exert his great
influence to see to it that this government shall
"rise level with tho standards" sot by tho fore
fathers? Why i does ho not exert his influence to
see to it that the republican party whose leaders
by speech pay homago to tho memory of Abraham
Lincoln pays homago to his memory in tho only
way "in which that homago can be effectively
paid by conforming in its policies to tho ideals
which Lincoln preached and which all Ids life
lone he practiced?"
The truth is that while tho republican party
claims Lincoln as Its patron saint, republican
leaders do not dare undertake to quote from Lin
coln's speeches and writings in support of present
day republican policies Indeed, republican lead
ers have been confounded by liberal quotations
from Lincoln and these servo so completely in
condemnation of the republican policies of today
that one Ignorant of the autnor might believe
thej were written for this particular occasion.
iCould thero bo anything more striking than
the language found in Mr. Lincoln's speech
of July 10, 1858, In condemnation of the republi
can platform of 1900? In that platform, referring
to the Filipinos, the republican party said: "Tho
largest measure of self-government consistent
with their welfare and our duties shall be secured
to them by law." In 1858 Mr. Lincoln, as though
he were speaking with this republican plank be
fore him, said: "Those arguments that are made,
that tho inferior race aro to be treated with as
much allowance as they aro capable of enjoying,
that as much is to be done for them as their con
ditions will allow what are these arguments?
They aro tho arguments that kings have made for
enslaving the people In all ages of tho worldjYou
will find that all the arguments in favor ofTcing
craft were of this class; they always bestrode the
necks of the people, not that they wanted to do
it, but because tho people were better off for be
ing ridden. That Is their argument . . . Turn It
whatever way you will whether it come from the
mouth of a king as an excuse for enslaving the
people of hlscountry, or from the mouth of men
of one race as a reason for enslaving the men of
anotfier race, it is all the same old serpent"
Republican campaign arguments like the full
dinner pail were denounced by Mr. Lincoln in a
speech delivered August ai, 1864, in which he
said: "I beg you not to allow your minds or
your hearts to be divorteu from tho support of
all necessary measures for the purpose by any
miserable pieayune arguments addressed to your
pockets or inflammatory appeals mado to your
passions and your prejudices
The maintenance of tho institution of slavery
In the Sulus on territory over which tho United
States claim jurisdiction, was condemned by Mr.
Lincoln in a letter addressed to Mr. Seward un
der date of February 1, 186L In that letter Mr.
Lincoln said: "Any trick by which the nation
is to acquire territory and then to allow some
local authority to spread slavery oyer it is as
obnoxious as any other."
fTho plan of the republican managers to
have the heads of corporations control tho vote
of their employes was commented upon by Mr.
Lincoln in a letter under date of July 4, 1864, in
which he said: "My wish Is that you will do
just as you think fit with your own suffrage In
tho case and not constrain any of your subordi
nates to other than he thinks fit with hisy
Tho indifference and contempt for the Declar
ation of Independence vory generally shown by
the republican leaders Is In strange contrast with
tho statement made by Mr. Lincoln in a specchi
delivered in Independence Hall, Philadelphia, Feb
ruary 22, 1861, in which speech ho said: "All
tho political sontlmcnts I entertain have been
drawn so far as I have beon able to draw them
from tho sontimonts which originated and wero
given to tho world from this hall. I have never
had a feeling politically that did not spring from
the sentiments ombodicd in the Declaration of In
dependence" Tho republican plea that our Philippine pol
icy is justified because the people of tho United
States are further advanced than tho people of
the Philippines was commented upon by Mr. Lin
coln InfX speech delivered at Springfield, July 17,
1858, fn which ho said: "In pointing out that
moro has beon given to you, you cannot be Justi
fied in taking away tho llttlo which has been
given him. If God gave him but little, that Utile
let him enjoy."
In his message of July 4, 1801, Mr. Lincoln
condemned "this deliberate pressing out of view
the rights of men;" and it is not difficult to dis
cover tho relevancy of this statement to tho pol
icies of tho republican leaders of today.
Mr. Lincoln's explanation of his hatred for
slavery gives us tho right to bellovo that wero ho
living today ho would no less vigorously an
tagonize imperialism. In a speech delivered Aug
ust 21, 1858, reforring to tho Institution of slav
ery, Mr. Lincoln said: "I hato Jt becauso of the
monstrous injustice of slavory itself. I hate It
because It deprives our republic's example of its
influence In tho world, enables the enemies of
freo institutions with plausibility to taunt us ns
hypocrites; causes tho real friends of freedom to
doubt our sincerity and especially because it
forces so many good men among ourselves Into
an open war with tho very fundamental principles
of civil liberty, criticising the Declaration of In
dependence and insisting . tat there is no right
principle of action but self-lntercct"
The republican leaders' disregard of the prin
ciples of tho founders of this government finds
commpnt In a speech delivered by Mr. Lincoln
October 16, 1854, in which he said: "Is there no
danger to liberty itself In discarding tho earliest
practice and first precept of our ancient faith?
In our greedy chaso to mako profit of the negro
let us beware lest we cancel and tear In pieces
evon the white man's charter of freedom."
Some republican leaders by1 speech yet pay
homago to tho memory of Abraham Lincoln, but
long ago tho republican part ceased to pay hom
age to that memory in tho only way in which
that homago can be effectively paid, by seeing to
it that this republic's life, soda' and. political,
civic and indust.ial, is shaped now in accordance
with tho Ideals which Lincoln preached and which
all his life long ho practiced. Long ago the re
publican leaders showed they were unwilling or
unable to "rise level with tho standards set by tho
forefathers.'
JJJ
Cannot Keep It Down.
They say that the money question is settled,
and yet tho president is conferring with republi
can leaders about financial legislation and the
money magnates aro preparing to squeeze tho pub
lic into submission to their demands. Speaker
Cannon was called to Oyster Bay and urged to
assist In carrying out the schemes of Wall street,
but he could not bo enthused. Ho was willing
to allow congress to pass such a bill, but he
would not promise to help. His assistance, how
ever, will hardly bo needed, for tho financiers will
bring tho necessary influence to bear on republi
can members and Speaker Cannon would find it
quite difficult to prevent tho passage of any bill
that Rothschild and Morgan agreed upon. It
might bo well, though, for the republicans to
pause long enough to consider what Mr. Cannon
says about tho Increase In tho currency. He
boasts that the volume of money has increased
$126,000,000 in th last year and ho does not favor
tinkering with the currency. Tho quantitative,
"theory of money has been vindicated and still
tho republicans refuse to mako permanent pro
vision for an adequate supply of real money.
Tho fight th-t Is coming up in congress over
the currency measure will give the democrats &
chance to call public attention to the manner in
which the monied element controls the republican
party.
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