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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (May 15, 1903)
--j-mm w 'wwwwpPwlPippWwwW'111 ' The Commoner. .. , fi " vTf was given statehood within a few years. Another portion has not been admitted to statehood, al though a century has elapsed although, doubtless It soon will be. In each caso wo showed tho practical governmental genius of our race by de vising methods suitable to meet the actual exist ing needs; not by Insisting upon tho application of some abstract shibboleth to all our new pos sessions alike, no matter how incongruous this application might sometimes bo." It will bo noticed that in commending tho system of expansion which our nation has hereto fore followed ho endeavors to work In an indi rect dofenso of tho policy which tho administra tion has adopted in tho Orient. It is evident that his reforonco to "some abstract shibboleth" Is intended as a rebuke to thoso who insist upon tho application of American principles to tho Philippine question, and yot tho Roman example which ho cqndomns is really llko our present Philippine policy. Tho oxpanslon of Jefferson wa3 a totally dif ferent thing from imperialism. First, it included land not only contiguous to tho United States, but so situated that its occupancy by an un friendly nation would havo seriously hampered tho growth of our country. Second, it was a sparsely Bottled and uncultivated territory. Third, It was to bo settled by our own people, and made a part of tho United States. Tho Philippino isl ands aro not only not near us, but are so remoto from us and so situated as to bo a source of weakness rather than a source of strength. In stead of being sparsely settled tho population per square milo is greater in tho Philippino isl ands than in tho United States, which means that if wo add tho Philippines to our land, and their people to our people, there would be fewer acres for each citizen than there are today. Third, and most important, tho Philippino islands aro not to bo settled by Americans, as tho Louisiana ter ritory was, but, if imperialism is to prevail, to bo ruled, by tho Americans as Rome ruled her subjects. It will never bo possible to make eighc mllllouVsubmlt willingly to tho government of a few thousand. At least, there is not a single examplo in history 'to justify tho belief that they will welcome a foreign ruler. Canada, Australia and Now Zealand cannot bo cited in defense of our present policy in tho Philippines, first, be causo tho Inhabitants of these English colonies aro largely descendants of Englishmen, and there fore attachod to England by ties of blood, and, second, because England does not attempt to raauo their laws for them or to tax them. If England attempted to do in Canada, Australia or New Zealand wnat we are now doing in tho Philip pines, she would not hold tho colonies long, not withstanding tho blood relationship. Tho president persistently refuses to consider tho real question involved in the Philippine pol icy, namely, tho theory of government to be ap plied. Is this an "abstract shibboleth?" Our home government rests upon the theory set forth in tho Declaration of Independence, our colonial policy rests upon tho European theory of gov ernment which our revolutionary patriots suc cessfully resisted. A colonial government 'Would ultimately destroy the doctrine of self government in tho United States, for wo could not permanently assert the principles of the Declar ation of Independence hero and deny them abroad. If, on the other hand, the present policy in tho Philippines is only intendod to bo temporary, ie the purpose is to make the Philippine islands a part of tho United States as tho Louisiana pur chase was made a part, and the Filipinos citi zens, as the inhabitants of the Louisiana terri tory wero made citizens, then while avoiding danger to our theory of government wo would encounter another danger which is appalling, namely, tho demoralizing influence of Filipino states upon our government and destiny. Tho Filipinos aro separated from us by an ocean which places them in another hemisphere ani adjacent to other nations. Their history, race and language, make it impossible for them to act intelligently upon our affairs or for us to act intelligently upon their affairs, and the objec tions to incorporation are so great that nearly all tho republicans who voted for tltf ratification of tho treaty voted for a resolution which de clared that the Philippino islands wero .not to become an integral part of thi United States. While tho president talks of expansion and Intimates that a nation must continue to grow In territory if it is to be a great nation, ho avoid tho vital questions raised by his Philippine pol icy. His argument in regard to tho necessity of continuing expansion is absurd, for it, mean that the United states must contiiuo to tako in new territory until it has all there is in tho world, and then must die because there are no more worlds to conquer. Constant expansion is not essential' to greatness. Every proposed extension of our , territory, must rest upon its own merits, and in deciding whether it is wise or unwise, we must consider both tho wishes of our own people and the wishes of the people to be incorporated. Our system of national unity, combined with local self-government, makes It possible for tho United States to include an indefinite area of land so long as tho peoplo are homogeneous, but it is es sential that tho national unity shall be not merelz a unity in government, but a unity in sympathy and in purpose. Jefferson regarded the North. American continent as tho natural home of tho American republic. He believed that we could extend our borders throughout North America without endangering our form of government. Our theory of government is applicable to all the world, but it is far better that therer should be several separate republics administering their own affairs and arbitrating their differences, than one 'republic with elements so antagonistic as to bo warring with each other. Our nation has demonstrated the correctness of our theory of government and it has inspired other nations to attempt the same experiment. It ought never to weaken its influence by a policy that casts suspicion upon its faith in equal rights and self-government Our nation is under no compulsion to sacriuce its own ideals, even if by doing so it could hope to force undesired bless ings upon a resisting people. Experience shows, however, that you can help people by raising their Ideals, not by crushing their aspirations. The expansion of Jefferson was democratic and entirely in keeping with our form of government; republican imperialism is antagonistic to every principle of a republic and a menace to the na tion's welfare. JJJ ' Does It Dare Answer? . The Nashville American seems to resent the suggestion made by The Commoner that it is a republican paper in disguise. It responds in the following choice language: Yet there is a wild ass- of the Nebraska plains who with the practiced ease of an un truthful pen and a slanderous lip denounces as republican organs and subservient tools of monopoly those newspapers which have the intelligence and the courage to declare against a continuation of the absolute fplly which, has led the party into such disaster. The un fairness, the injustice, the downright false- " hood of such charges ought to condemn their authoi to the perpetual and profound con tempt cf the general public. If Tho Commoner has done the American in justice it will bo glad to acknowledge the same, but it does not believe that tho American has been misrepresented. To settle the question tho following offer is made: If the American will publish upon its editorial page the names of its three largest stockholders, with the amount of their holdings, their business and sources of in come, and state how they voted in the national elections of 189G and 1900, and will also give tho names of its three most prominent editorial writers, and state how they voted in thoso elec tions, Tho Commoner will be glad to republish such an editorial and withdraw its charges if the American's own statement shows that thoso who control Its policy and speak through its columns are really democrats and in sympathy with tho general public. Surely the American ought not to bo 'ashamed to reveal the identity of those who own it and speak for it JJJ Municipal Ownership Wins. On another page will be found a copy of the Mueller municipal ownership bill, which Governor Yates now has under consideration. It will be re membered that this bill figured conspicuously in the Chicago city election. Mayor Harrison tried to secure tho passage of the measure before th.3 election, and asked Mr. Stuart, his republican opponent, to join with him in the effort While Stuart claimed to favor the bill it was evident that the republican leaders did not want it pasai and it was postponed until after the election. Then tho speaker, who- seemed to be under orders from the traction companies, tried to prevent its passage and his outrageous unfairness resulted In a riot in the house, during which ho declared tho house adjourned and escaped to another room. A majority of the legislature remained and took charge of tho body. Finally an agreement was VOLUME .3, NUMBER 17, reached whereby the bill was put to a vote an 5 passed. Tho advocates of municipal ownership hava reason to rejoice over the issue of this fight The fact that the second city in the United State should vote for the municipal ownership of tho street car lines is in itself strongly indicative o the growth of sentiment in favor of the right o the people of a city to attend to their own busi ness without tho aid of syndicates efhd public service corporations. That the sentiment was so strong as to force a republican legislature, in one of the greatest states of the Union, to pas3 this bill, is still more significant. The demo crats supported the Mifeljer bill and furnished mo3fc of the votes to pass it, but as the republicans had a majority in the legislature the republicans who voted with the democrats deserve as much, credit as the democrats do. It only shows that when a cause gets strong it breaks down party; lines and makes a new alignment on that issue. JJJ Why Silver is Coined. A reader of Tho Commoner asks by what law silver is coined since the repeal of the Sherman law. The government is now coining (has almost finished) the seigniorage that accumulated under the Sherman law. The Sherman law provided that silver should be bought at tho market price and certificates issued therefor. The difference between the market price 'and the coinage price was called seigniorage and was held as silver bullion. The Sherman law also provided that so much of the purchased silver should be coined as was necessary to redeem certificates presented. Tho act of 1898 required the coinage of the seign iorage and also the coinage of the silver held for. the redemption of the Sherman certificates. When this silver, is coined coinage will cease, as there is now no provision for the purchase of further silver except for subsidiary coinage. A bill passed the lower house of tho last congress au thorizing the recoinage of silver dollars into sub sidiary coin. If this bill ever becomes a law it will make it unnecessary for the government -to buy silver for a century to come, and. it .the same time the volume of standard money wili-be reduced to the extent that the silver., dollars Vre recoined into fractional currency. - v, JJJ Three Questions Answered. A reader of The Commoner asks three ques tions: First What provision is made to insure re tirement of national bank notes wnen the bonds upon which they are issued have matured or have been redeemed? r SecondCan any state bank issue notes for, circulation within the borders of the sjate? Third Would it be possible for the banks to organize a boycott against silver and silver cer tificates in case silver was restored? Answer to the first: If the bank is using bonds at the time of the maturity of the bonds it can withdraw them and substitute other bonds. As bank notes today rest upon bonds they would have to be retired if all the bonds were re deemed and cancelled. Answer to the second: A state bank can is sue notes, but those notes are subject to a 10 per cent tax. It was intended to' be prohibitory, and has proven so. Answer to the third: The banks would not find it to their interest to boycott silver. The banks are so dependent upon the government that they could not afford, and would not at tempt, to oppose the policy of the party In power. JJJ Democratic Clubs, ' " The organization of democratic clubs is pro--ceeding at a'gratifying rate. Among those whoso organization have been reported to Tho Commoner aro tho following: - The "Democratic Club," Bentonville, Ark.:' J. p. Parkalow, secretary. Tho club begins with eighty members. The "William It. Hearst Club," St LoulsTtie-' club begins with 150 members. The "Bryan 'Club," Weston Township, York, 1 y-11 members. G. W. Gilmore,. president; Henry Schultz, secretary. The "Jefferson Club," East Greenville, Pa.;' J. L. Dimmlg, president; Dan W. Garber, corre sponding secretary. vpv Jtv ofJeer,SOn 2eycratic Club," of the Uni versity of Maine, School of Law, Bangor, Me. SV?8"- Lewis B. Record, president L.eon G. C. Brown, secretary. n .'