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lhe Commoner
WILLIAH J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
- v.
Vol? .3.. No. 13.
Lincoln, Nebraska, April 17 93-
Whole No. 117
11 1
JAS, MARSHALL HEAD"
The Commoner lias received the following in
regard to James Marshall Head, of Nashville,
Tenn., whose name has been mentioned in con
nection with the presidential nomination.
"James Marshall Head was born in Sumner
county, Tennessee, July 25, 1855. His father was
a prominent physician whose practice in that
county extended over a period of fifty years. The
son, James M., attended school at Gallatin, .the
county seat, and then read law for two years in
the ofilce of Hon. James J. Vertrees. He also at
tended Harvard university, completing the course
and receiving his degree' in 1876. From that date
until his removal to Nashville in 1883, Mr. Head
practiced his profession at Gallatin. At Nash
ville he became a member of the firm of Cham
pion & Head, and later of the firm of Champion,
Head & Brown, and enjoyed a large and lucrative
practice, especially- in the chancery court.
"In 1894 Mr. Head became editor-in-chief of the
Nashville American, at that time one of the lead
ing democratic papers in Tennessee. While the
American was under his editorial control it
was a staunch supporter of democratic ideas and
policies.
"Mr. Head was prominently identified with the
Centennial exposition held at Nashville in 1897.
In 189G ho became the Tennessee member of the
democratic national committee, jind was thorough
ly identified with the work of the party in the
campaigns of 189G and 1900. ,
"He id a man of conviction, discretion and do
termination and he hag been one of the most use
ful members of the national committee.
"He was nominated and elected mayor of
Nashville in 1899 and since that time has devoted
himself to the working out of municipal problems.
Being a firm believer in the municipal ownership
of scity franchises, he has gradually, but con
stantly enlarged the city's control over its own
work and has made an enviable record in this di
. rection. The city of Nashville has for years
owned waterworks, and they have been so well
conducted that they realize a net balance to the
city over and above all expenses. During his ad
ministration he has established an electric light
ing plant, the first effect of which was to reduce
by one-third the charges of the private company,
and the city plant promises to give the city twice
the light for a little more than half of what was
formerly paid to the private plant. He has also
secured a contract with the gas plant and street
car company that gives the city a nhanco to buy
the gas plant at the end of ten years and the
street car company at the end of twenty years.
At the present time the gas is sold at not more
than a dollar per thousand, and the city receives
5 per cent of the gross income from the gas plant,
and a privilege tax of 2 per cent of the gross in
come from the streeUcar company.
"Mr. Head has proven his ability as an execu
tive; he is diligent in his business, affable in his
manner, and yet firm in dealing with public af
fairs. As a speaker he is ready and clear, and
his character gives strength to his discourse. His
sympathies are with the common people, and he
deserves a foremost place among the earnest and
conscientious students of the problems of the
present day. In his first fight for the nomination
for mayor he had the opposition of the local cor
porations, but his administration has been so uni
versally popular that he was re-elected practical
ly without opposition."
JJJ
N A Republican In Disguise. .
-The Nashville American speaks of Mr. Bryan
as "implacable," and proceeds tof read him a lec-
. turo because he does not stand' 'silent while the
corporation democrats debauch the party again
as they did when thoy had control. The American,
is a splendid specimen of the reorganizing ele
ment It is a republican in every thought and as-1
piration, and only uses the democratic name as a
convenient cover under which to mako its as
saults upon the people. It la ready to flatter
those who join in its unholy- conspiracy against
the public, and to condemn all who enter a pro
test against its plans. When the party wrote
thi Chicago platform, not at Chicago, but at tho
ptlmaries throughout the country, tho American
was not slow to sot up its opinion against tho
opinion of the rank and file, but now violently
asstils Mr. Bryan or any ono else who refuses to
accept tho dictates of the unregonerato bolters aa
the voice of the party. As a rule more democracy
can be found in tho news columns of .republican
papers than can bo found in the editorial columns
of. papers like the Nashville American, that uses
tho democratic name for the same purpose that a
burglar wears a mask over hiB face when ho
goes out upon a predatory errand. Tho platform
of 1896 was more clearly and emphatically writ
ten by the voters than any other platform in tho
last quarter of a century, and the Chicago plat
form was Indorsed by every state and territorial
convention but two in 1900, although between 1896
and 1900 the reorganizes that call themselves
democrats talked just as they do now. "What
reason have we for believing that since 1896 a
majority of tho voters of tho party have changed
their minds and become tho supporters of tho
monopolistic element of tho party? And no mat
ter what doubt there may be in other states,
.there is certainly no doubt about Tennessee, for
her last state convention rebuked tho American
as emphatically as a renegade paper can be re
buked, axul.the vote in tho state was a clear-in-dorsement.of
the party's position. "' ." Z
JJJ
A VOICE FROM EUROPE
The Financial Chronicle of London, in its Is
sue of February 3 last, contains the report of a
meeting of the stockholders of the London Trad
ing Bank (limited). Mr. Wightman Cooper, presi
dent of the bank, in moving the adoption of tho
report and accounts, made some remarks in re
gard to the silver question. Tho following is a
quotation from his speech a3 it appears in tho
Financial Chronicle:
"Continuing, he said that he desired to make
a few special observations upon that occasion In
regard to silver. There seemed to be a need of
more metallic money. Banking had to some de
gree saved the circulation of metal, but its use
fulness In that direction had now about reached
its limit Although we were steadily adding to
the supply of gold and silver, still Its production
was out of all proportion to the world's demand,
hence the greed of nations to possess more gold
fields. (Hear, hear.) The millions of people in
tho east who relied upon America and Australia
for their supply of silver might, at no distant
date, bo cut short of metal by tho closing of tho
mines, due to displacing the silver standard for
gold. Tho falling price of silver was causing seri
ous damage to commerce In many parts of the
world, especially so in China, where the Injustice
was felt of having to pay the war indemnity on a
gold basis with a silver currency, and some claim
for exemption in this connection was, he believed,
being made. It was a well-known fact that tho
great silver deposits of the world were worked
out, and as the Bilver area was small ns compared
with the gold area it would appear safe and wise
to open the Indian and American mints to the
free coinage of silver on the terms that prevailed
previous to the movement against silver, which
had resulted in cheapening the bullion value and
upsetting our business relations with silver-using
countries and so disturbing the power of exchange."
ROOSEVELT'S DEFENSE
On another-page will bo found tho speech of
Presidont Rooaevelt, delivered at Milwaukee a few
daysago and reported in tho Chicago Tribune.
The full text la given because it is tho president's
defense of his administration's record on the trust
question and after, a careful study of it the reader
can better understand tho criticisms herewith
submitted.
In tho first placo, it is evident that Mr. Roose
velt neither desires nor intends to kill the trusts.
Ho starts out by saying that ho does not "ap
proach tho subject from tho standpoint of thoso
who speak of themselves as anti-trust or anti
corporation people," etc. Ho thus admits that ho
is not opposed to tho trust as such.
Then ho proceeds to defend tho trusts by de
claring that thoy aro "in many cases efficient
economic Instruments, the result of an inevitable
process of economic evolution." This is tho
phraseology of tho trust" magnate and, strango
to say, it is also tho language used by tho oxtromo
socialist Both tho trust magnate and the ex
treme socialist regard tho trust as natural and
necessary, tho former accepting it as a blessing
to bo distributed through tho benevolence of pri
vate individuals, tho latter considering it a bless
ing to be administered by tho sjate acting for all
the people.
Tho all-important point at issue is whether
tho trust is really "an economic evolution." If it
is, wo may aa well prepare to meet the 'question
proposed by socialism. Tho word, trust, is usual
ly understood to moan monopoly, and If the mo
nopoly is a natural growth, If it is an "economic
evolution," tho only question that remains is,
whether tho benefits of monopoly shall be en
joyed by a few who hold stock in the private cor
poration or by all the people as shareholders in
tho government.
Is Mr. Roosevelt prepared to discuss, the
question which Lis argument iuv, -tably raises?
Again, a careful reading of his speech will
convince any candid student of public affairs that
the president is at heart in full sympathy with
the trust magnates. This is evident, first, from tho
language ho uses. He Is bitter when he speaks of
tho anti-trust people and apologetic when he
speaks of the trusts themselves. He praises the
feeble efforts put forth by tho administration and
says that thoy were "removed as far as possible
from rancor, hysteria and unworthy demagogic
appeal." Ho says that "nothing of value is to
be expected from ceaseless agitation for radical
and extreme legislation." He also fears "leglsla-
tlon of a general and indiscriminate character."
He thinks that "many of the alleged remedies aro
of tho unpleasantly drastic type.' "We are agalr-st
all radical and unwise change"-this Is the key
note of his speech and it is apparent that he is
more alarmed lest good trusts may be embarrassed
than ho is lest bad trusts may iurt tho people.
He spends moro time warning against radical
anti-trust legislation than he does in pointing
out a remedy. In the second place, to relieve tho
trusts of further apprehension he eulogizes Knox
and declares that the legislation already secured
is all that is now needed. He does not hold out
hope of anything more effective than tho anti
rebato bill which Mr. Archibald, the attorney of
the Standard Oil company, expressly .indorsed in
a telegram to Senator Quay, and the publicity
amendment which was so weak and ineffective
that Littlefield, the blue-ribbon, far-famed repub
lican "trust-buster," refused to vote for it
When he attempts to quote from his Minne
apolis speech which it will be remembered led
many to bellevo that he was against the trusts,
he quoted the part wherein he defended the large
fortunes and left out the "violent and radical"
part wherein he suggested that it might become
necessary to "shackle cunning" as we hava
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