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The Commoner.
WILLIAfl J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
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Vol. 2. No. 51.
"LITTLE JOKERS" IN
THE TARIFF LAW
Tlio tariff on coal is not the only "little joker"
in the Dingley act The New York Press recently
printed an editorial in which it insisted that
"there is no tariff on petroleum." The Chicago
Chronicle reproduced this editorial and, perhaps
inadvertently, gave assent to this as a correct
statement.
But Mr. William Ritchie, a reader of the
Chronicle, makes an interesting statement by way '
of correction. Mr. Ritchie says that while it is
true tho-Dingley act purported to include "petrol
eum, crude or refined," in the free list, in the very
next line of the same clause appears the following:
"Provided, tnat if there he imported into
the United States crude petroleum or the prod
ucts of crude petroleum produced in tiny
country which imposes a duty on petroleum or
its products exported from the United States
there shall in such cases bo levied, paid and
collected a duty on said crude petroleum or
its products so imported equal to the duty im
posed by such country."
It is pointed out by this writer that for some
months after the passage of the Dingley act our
cuRtomo officers (or' somo oC them) construed the
act" as really meaning that petroleum and the
Standard- Oil company were not entitled to its
protection, but that company soon took measures
to undeceive them. It appealed to Secretary Gage,
who, on April 21, 1898, issued a circular of in
structions to all collectors.
In this circular the secretary of the treasury
directed attention to the paragraph referred to
and then stated that every country that produces
a gallon of petroleum imposes a heavy duty on all
imports of that commodity or its products. Mr.
Ritchie says: "These duties vary all the way from
91 cents to over $10 per barrel, practically pro
hibitive except against such a competitor as the
Standard Oil company. As to the beneficent ef
fect of monopoly on prices, see the report on
'Petroleum Refining' in census reports, twelfth
census, vol. 10, manufacturers, pt. 4, pp. 681-688.
In 1880 crude petroleum cost less than $1 per
barrel, in 1889 the figure was $1.46, in "1899 it had
risen to $1.55, the total product meanwhile enor
mously increasing also. The same authority says:
Out of the 42,234,064 barrels of petroleum products
in 1899, 16,0GG,809 barrels (of fifty gallons), or near
ly 40 per cent, were exported (despite the heavy
import duties encountered abroad). In addition
there were exported 2,801,999 barrels of crude pe
troleum. The total value of petroleum exports at
ports of shipment in 1899 was $64,982,249. This
was the largest value of export petroleum ever
reported, although the quantity exported in 1899
was less than in either 1897 or 1898."
JJJ
A Fraudulent Cry.
In one of his Washington letters, William R
Curtis, says: "There is no hope for any of the
reciprocity treaties now pending in the senate. The
republican party Is net in favor of reciprocity or
else it is not represanted in that body."
, Commenting upon this statement, the Chicago
Lincoln, Nebraska, Jan. 9, 1903.
Whole No. 103.
Record-Herald, a republican paper, says: "Tho
truth is that if this session of congress goes by
and tho treaties are still ignored tho party will
bo duly convicted of using reciprocity as a fraudu
lent campaign cry."
But what do tho republican leaders care if tho
party is fully convicted of using reciprocity as a
fraudulent campaign cry? Has not that party
been convicted time and time again of using
fraudulent campaign cries?
Tho Record-Herald points out that twolvo
years ago reciprocity was employed with dramatic
effect by Mr. Blaine during a debate on tho Mc
Kinley bill, and that "since then, the party has
converted that promise into political capital many
times over."
The 'republican national convention that met
at St. Louis in 1896 declared:
"We believe tho repeal of the reciprocity
arrangements negotiated by the last repub
lican administration was a national calamity,
and we demand their renewal and extension
on such terms as will equalize oir trade with
other nations, remove the restrictions which
now obstruct the sale of American products in
the ports of other countries, and secure en
larged markets for the products of our farms,
forests and factories."
Then, referring to this promise, the Record
Herald, a republican paper, draws this indict
ment against its party leaders: "The calamity, It
wilL be recognized, Is now perpoluatcc by thoso
who bemoaned it, and the very organization which
demanded the renewal and extension is incapable
of enforcing the demand though it Is in possession
of all branches of the government. Fivo years
after the passage of the Dingley bill, with its en
abling clause, there is still no progress beyond tho
executive, and the prospect is that the treaties
will fall and reciprocity remain a dead letter,
though it was applauded by tho late president, is
indorsed by his successor and was used to pla
cate tariff reform republicans so late as the cam
paign of last fall."
JJJ
Roosevelt and the Negro
"On another page will bo found President
Roosevelt's letter on the negro's right to hold
office. Ho has taken advantage of an extremo
statement against the negro to make an eloquent
plea for the black man, but he has not met the
real issi 2. No party advocates tho exclusion of
the colored man from all official positions. Mr.
Cleveland appointed negroes to office and these
appointments were confirmed by a democratic
senate. The question is, why does the president
refuse to apply the same rule in tho north that he
does in the south? He respects the prejudices of
white republicans in the north, but ho takes oc
casion to lecture white democrats in tho south for
entertaining the same prejudices where the con
ditions are such as to make those prejudices
stronger. There are enough positions which the
colored man could hold without raising a racd
question. As the president is a candidate for re
election and may need the votes of the colored
delegates, his letter will not be viewed as a dis
interested statement of his views.
JACKSON AND
SPECIAL INTERESTS
At this time when tho American people are
confronted with a money trust, bosido whoso powor
tho influence exerted by a similar trust in tho
days of Andrew Jackson was insignificant, it would
have been well if every American citlzon could
have spent Jackson's day in tho study of Jack
son's history.
Although in recent years tho thing that id
popularly known as tho "money trust" has ob
tained new and over increasing privileges, it is now
proposed to Increase Its power and influence by
such extraordinary legislation that even republi
can congressmen, accustomed as they are to do
ing tho bidding of tho representatives of special in
terests, deem it necessary to at least go through
the form of hesitation before giving to these apo
dal interests all that their representatives ask.
Perhaps it is not at all significant, but it is at.
least interesting, that tho present comptroller of
the currency is a descendant of one of tho officers
of the groat banking Institution whoso power over
the people wa3 destroyed by Andrew Jackson;
and in his annual reports and his public speeches
this comptroller of tho currency advocates a
banking and currency system that must havc"for
its result tho re-cstablishmont of Nick Biddlolsra
in a most aggravated form.
The only difference between the Nick Biddlc
ism of Jackson's time and the Nick Biddleism of
Roosevelt's day is that the latter rcpresenta
schemes which Nick Biddlo himself would not havo
had the hardihood to plan even though he were not
confronted by a Jackson.
If one would refresh himself a3 to the inci
dents of Jackson's service In the White house, ho
would be reminded that while there may be a dif
ference in degree between the wicked schemes of
thj present time and Jackson's day, there is marked
similarity in the methods employed in bdth in
stances in the effort to fasten the shackles upon
tho people.
In his address to the cabinet, September 18,
1833, Jackson described somo of tho methods
adopted by the representatives of tho bank in or
der to bring public sentiment to its side or at least
to control tho majority of votes in tho election.
That this bank had made extensions of loans so
as to bring as large a portion of the people aa
possible under Its powc and influence was a fact
pointed out In'this address; and it was also said
that "it has been disclosed that soe of the larg
est loans were granted on very unusual terms to.
the conductors of the public press." t
According to Jackson: "
"Having taken these preliminary steps to
obtain control over public opinion, the bank
came into congress and a3ked a new charter.
The object avowed by many of the advocates
of the bank was to put the president to tho
test, that the country might know his final de
termination relative to the bank prior to tho
ensuing election. Many documents and ar
ticles wc: printed and circulated at tho ex
pense of the bank to bring the people to a
favorable decision upon its pretensions. Those
whom the bank appears to have .made its
debtors for the special occasion were warned
of the ruin which awaited them should tho
president be sustained, and attempts -wero
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