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The Commoner.
VoI.-'af No. 49.
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-CfQVoland's second administration when he used
the patronage of his office Co induoe enough dem-.
ocrats to join the republicans to carry through a
republican financial policy Indorsed by the demo
crats. (The Wilson bill which Mr. Cleveland
forced through in the fall of 1893 was identical in
purpose and almost identical In language with a
bill introduced by Senator' Shermanji year be
fore.) '
The statement that the democratic party; was
"compact, well 'organized and ably led" is a palp
able mistake,, because the defeat cyf 1894, suffered
just after Mr. Cleveland had successfully carried
through his financial policy, was a more sweep
ing defeat than the defeat of either 189G or 1900.
The .defeat of; 18p4 came before the present reor
ganizing element had openly co-operated with the
republicansj'what would bo the defeat nowishould
the reor.ganizers, fresh Jrom their alliance, with
the Republicans, . attempt to lead the democratic
party back into the control of the financiers?
,j The .democratic party has never done t any
thing to aliqnate honest business interests, but it
cannot afford to surrender to the Qommercialism
that today . controls the republican partyA and
also dominates those who oppose the Chicago and
Kansas City platforms. Even from the low
standpoint of expediency the democratic arty
has everything to lose and nothing to. gain by the
abandonment of its principles; it can better afford
to stand firm and continue its. fight for the peo
plo's interests,, awaiting a vindication of its prin-
uipieu.
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Polite Coercion. ,
The Winona' (Minn.) Weekly Leader of recqnt
date contains a letter written by r Charles'" R.
Knapp, general manager of the Winona'' Carriage
company, to his employes just beTbre 'the'1 late
election. The, letter will be'reproduced-Un'1 full
on another page. It is a fair sample bf llieHac
tlcs employed by many republican business men
during recent campaigns, and attention is called
to it for the purpose of suggesting the condition
that would result if all the democrats carried
their politics into their business as this man'has
done1. Mr. Knapp would 'feel aggrieved if cleno- '
crats' refused to buy carriages of tiim because4 bf
his political Tlews, and yet they would Tiave as
much reason to. do so as he has to attem'pt to
coerce his employes. His disclamer "in" the tie
ginning of the letter, Instead of being intended
to lessen the influence of his letter, is only an' open
confession that he is conscious' of tlie Impro
priety of his action. He wants' "his employes 'to
know that he recognizes their right to' vote as
they please, and yet he is even more anxious' that
they shall know that he, their employer, ' wants
them to vote his way, and that he will have a
much better opinion of the wisdom of those who
follow liis advice than of those who follow their
own convictions.
It is not strange that a man with low Ideals
of citizenship and its responsibilities should at
tempt to coerce his employes ;' that Is to bo ex
pected, but it is strange that republicans who have
high Ideals should bo so slow to protest against
- the Influences which aro a virtual disfranchise
ment of voters.
tf the republican leaders were half as solici
tous about interference with the suffrage of white
voters of the north as they are about qualifications
placed upon the black voters of the south there
would "be fewer employers who would risk the
' public ,censure that would follow the writing of a.
letter like that issued by Mr. Knapp.
In this connection it may be remarked that
the employers of labor are not the only ppoplo
Who have acted upon a principle that they would
object to having applied to them. In 189G some
of the wholesale dealers took occasion to instruct
tlfeir patrons, but they wodl'd have resented itjf ,
their patrons had undertaken to instruct them.
Likewise bankers sometimes l refused to loan' jo
men who were opposing their political views, but,
they ivoiild' have been indignant if democrats had
withdrawn their deposits from the banks that were
taking an active part in the republican campaign.
If these prominent business men 'are .right
in using their business to advance their politics,
then the democratic voters would be justified in
dealing only with democratic merchants and man
ufacturers, thus refusing to supply sinews ofwar
for political opponents. But the principle is-abhorrent
and cannot be indorsed by- any, intelligent
republican who will take time to reflect
The Commoner referred some months ago to
an advertiser who refused to advertise in Ine
Commoner because he was not willing; .to encour
age a paper which advocated the principles The
Commoner did. No principle can be .defended
which has not a universal application, and the bus
iness manwh,o patronizes only members of . his
own party should not expect patronage from out
siders. But such, conditions, instead of. promoting
good citizenship, would be destructive of it be
cause a business man who depends entirely upon
his pplitical associates for his business could not
change his position on public questions without
bankrupting himself. He would hus be bribed to
stay with his party no matter how much' his
conscience or his judgment might protest.
There is but one sound -theory of citizenship,
and. that is that' every citizen shoulcl be fre'e to
follow his convictions and to give his .country' the
benefit of his intelligence- on, every subject He
must also recognize his, own liability to error and
riot only "be willing "to concede tb 'others the 'right
to 'think for themselves, bu,t also ..concede' the .pos
sibility .of their being right :. , J-
Real freedom and intelligent xitizenshipvare
ciilyV-possible heretnbusin'e-S3Jj"dnd'i)blItics'' are
Kent senarate. ' '" "" :
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- ' King Oscar's .' Ruling. .
The opinion- of King 'Oscar "in. 'the. S'amoan
claims, case, that was submitted' to. him fo arbi
tration by the. government of the United States,
Great Britain .and Germany, has ibeehirmade
public. , ' - y . r';;
It will be. remembered that Admiral' , ICautz
co-operating with the British authorities engaged
in bombardment and military operations for the
purpose of 'enforcing the 'decision of 'the' chief
justice" by which Malietoa, was declared king.
.In 1889 the tJnfted. States, Gijeat Britain, and
Germany entered into a -treaty .providing for the
guarantee of the neutrality- of the- Samoan isl
ands. By the terms rf this treaty there was to
he established a foreign court chosen by. these
three governments, a municipal council for the
district of . Apia which Is the chief town, to
gether with a president of that council who' was
to be a .foreigner and authorized to advise the
king.
The question submitted to King Oscar was
whether Great Britain and the United 'States
should pay for the damages caused by the bomb
ardment and military operations, carried .on un
der British and United States authority without
Germany's consent.' "
King Oscar says that he found nothing; In the
treaty or any subsequent agreement which au
thorized one of the signatory powers or a. ma
jority of them to take action to enforce thov con
ditions of the act or to make the decision '6f the
chief justice . binding on the powers.' Interven
tion, then, In King Oscar's opinion, could be jus
tified only on the ground that such action- was
necessary for the protection of lives or property.
On this point he declares: "Wo have found noth
ing in the evidence before us to show that the
general condition of affairs was such as to render
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military action necessary "for" the protection of
lives and property;'
As a result of this decision', then, Great Brit
ain and the United States, being responsible for the
bombardment -and military operations, are re
sponsible to those who thereby suffered losses.
The opinion seems to be a well considered one
and the reasons advanced for the conclusion
reached by the distinguished arbitrator make
forcible appeal for the approval of thoughtful and
fair-minded men.
King Oscar seems to have based hig ruling
upon a question of simple fact rather than upon
any ingenious interpretation of intricate interna
tional law; and it is safe to say that his ruling
will, very generally, be upheld.
The Evils of Corporations.
Bishop Henry C. Potter of New York has
caused to be. , republished in book form a number
of-his.lectures. These are grouped under the title
"The citizen It relation to the industrial situa
tion." In one .of these addresses Bishop Potter
said:
"You may constitute a social order, in
which there .shall be no rough angles, no
unguarded' pitfalls, no summons to priva
tion, on hardship; but when you have perfected
it, where will; you find the men to admin
ister it? These are not made that way; and
the automatic order remains yet to be dis
covered.". 7
-In another lecture the bishop said:
"The evil of the corporation is not in its
m.echanism or, in its bulk, but 4n its temper
and in Us morals.
' "CoYtforations indeed have' no souls, but
tlidse who compose them have consciences;
and: these they must bring to. the standard of
a divine righteousness, to be touched by its
. T quickening hand, to be illumined by its spirit,
and then' to bear witness, in kings' palaces, at
' board meetings, at directors' ' meetings, not
f fearing 'the face of man, - because" they ' have
. -t heard the voice of God.-"
It js true that however carefully thq people
safeguard their social order it is important that
men be found to ai minister and these should be
j honest and conscientious men. But it has been
true. Iti t,he past, and will doubtless be true in the
.future,, that however carefully these men may
have, been chosen even honest and conscientious
jmeare susceptible to blandishments; and where
some -would not yield to dishonest appeals they
. sucoumb to flattery or give their consent to un
just policies on the plea that those policies are es
sential to the "business interests" of the country.
If the evil of the corporation is, as Bishop
Fotter says it is, in its temper and 4ts morals
rather than its mechanism and Its bulk, then the
people have t in their power to modify the tem
per oiid to impVove the morals. The reform is
riot" to be accomplished entirely T)y, placing better
men in charge of the corporations, although to be
sure "improvement in every individual wielding a
Jarge influence would be advantageous to public
interests. But if the people Bit calmly by while
their representatives vote- from the people's pock
ets enormous subsidies to these corporations and
give them ia their tariff laws and in their cur
rency and banking statutes undue advantages, it
1 is not in the least surprising that the "morals"
of th6se corporations are affected In the presence
bf the opportunity to profit at the expense of the
great 'mass of the people. When these .corpora
tions nave enjoyed these privileges year after
year until their officers and-' promoters have
1 grown ' enormously rich from public favors, it Is
not strange that their "temper" should be affected
so" as to make them promptly reBent any sugges
' tion that tho advantages tliey enjoy be interfered
with or that they be required to deal justly with
' th6 people whom they are expected to serve.
"'Equal rights to all and special privileges to
none" would go farther toward- the removal of the
evil of corporations than any philanthropic effort
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