Sept. 26, 190a
The Commoner.
ment Is for life and, therefore, for an Indefinite
period he will decide cases "with a constant con
sciousness of his obligation to Senator Piatt and
the great corporations for which Senator Piatt
stands. A Washington dispatch to the New' York
Herald says that Judge Ray, as chairman of the
judiciary committee of the house of representa
tives, opposed anti-trust legislation and took the
position that "the United States congress had no
right to interfere with the operations of private
corporations." Herd wo have it A congressman
opposes interference with trusts; Senator Piatt,
the prince of corporation representatives, takes
him up and urges his appointment to a life position
on the bench; and the president pauses long
enough in the discussion of the trust question to
put this man in a position to help the trusts for
'years to come. As a member of congress Kepre
sentative Ray was In danger of being overruled by
a majority of his colleagues, but Judge Ray can
only be overruled by a higher court and as the
trusts can dictate appointments to the higher court
also there is not much, danger of his being over
ruled at all. The trusts might paraphrase a famil
iar sentiment and say, "Let us select the judges of
a nation and wo care not who makes its laws."
Of course, the president does not know this, but
some intimate friend ought to explain it to him.
And yet there are republicans who actually expect
this administration to take the people's side of
the trust question poor, deluded mortals 1
"
A Sublime Faith.
The Philadelphia Jlecord prints an interview
with the president in which he says that he is
"grieved beyond measure at the difference in Penn
sylvania and other coal mining states over the
wage and kindred questions." When asked if a
remedy was at hand, hp said: There is a rem
edy," and then without suggesting it, added:
"I would refer you to the men at the
head of the republican party, who are in con
trol of affairs in Pennsylvania. I am sure that
their conservative opinion of the difficulties
. rampant will ultimately result in an amicable
settlement of this great question. Of course
politics do not enter into the mining problem,
i yet I sincerely hope that the republican prin
ciples, which are framed alike for high and
low, will level the problem to an equity."
" Here we have It with as much explicitness as
a republican leader usually employs. "Of course
politics do not enter into the mining problem,"
and yet the president sincerely hopes that repub
lican principles will "level the problem into an
equity," and he therefore refers his enquirers "to
the men who are at the head of the. republican
party in Pennsylvania." He is sure that "their
conservative opinion of the differences rampant
will ultimately result in a, settlement of this great
question."
Each republican leader seems to have sublime
faith in the wisdom of all the rest of the leaders,
but not enough faith in himself to suggest a rem
edy foranything. The president will have to ex
cuse the rank and file if they remind him that
"faith without works is dead."
. ' JJ - J
The Packing House Merger.
The Chicago Record-Herald is authority for
the statement that the long expected merger of
the great meat packing interests of the United
States will go into active operation Saturday,
September 27, unless there should be an unlooked
for change in the plans agreed on by those con
cerned in the deal. When this merger is accom
plished, according to this republican paper, "an
industrial combination second to the steel trust
will become practically an accomplished fact"
According to the Information secured by the' Record-Herald,
the new concern is to bo capitalized
- at the rate of twenty-flve times the last year's
earnings of the constituent companies.
If anything were needed to demonstrate the
Impotency of the republican administration's so
called campaign against trusts, the fact of this
packinghouse merger would supply the deficiency.
If the president, instead- of permitting his attor
ney general to adopt thp clumsy and ineffective
injunction proceedings, had insisted upon the en
forcement of the chief feature of the federal anti
trust law, which is the criminal provision, these
packing house magnates would be pleading for
mercy and would be quite willing to conform to
the ordinary and decent rules of competitive busi
ness. The announcement that this merger Is about
to be accomplished, suggests another interesting
question. Mr. Roosevelt has told the people that
every power would be exhausted in order to pro
tect the people from these trusts. He has" so far
failed to explain why he has neglected to enforce
the criminal clause of the federal anti-trust law.
Let him now explain how it happens that ho has
not employed oven the injunction proceeding In
order to lay a restraining hand upon this pro
posed merger.
If the packing house merger is covered by tho
writ of injunction already issued, then wo may
expect the president's legal representatives to seo
that tho packing houso magnates are called
promptly to account under contempt of court pro
ceedings. It is not at all likely, however, that tho
merger has been covered in those proceedings and
that being the case, how does it happen that Mr.
Roosevelt has taken no steps to prevent tho or
ganization of this mighty trust?
For several months the newspapers have been
filled with tho news of this proposed merger.
Mr. Roosevelt has not been ignorant of it His
legal representatives must have known of it, be
cause every newspaper reader in tho land has
been told that this great consolidation was under
way.
Mr. Roosevelt authorized injunction proceed
ings to be commenced In order to provont the pro
posed Northern Pacific merger. It Is significant
that all the time the scheme for tho packing houso
merger was being laid, and laid before tho very
eyes of the people, Mr. Roosevelt has been trav
eling about tho country telling tho people what ho
proposed to do to protect the public from tho im
positions of the trusts. In ono of his speeches Mr.
Roosevelt, after making great predictions concern
ing the benefits to bo derived from his constitu
tional amendment, said that "in tho meantime, we '
will do tho best we can with strawless bricks, but
remember, they will be strawless." The people do
not need this reminder from Mr. Roosevelt to as
sure them that in- tho hands of tho republican
authorities tho present anti-trust laws are "straw
less bricks."
The president's failure to enforce tho criminal
clause of the anti-trust law or to proceed against
the proposed packing house merger as ho did
against the proposed .. Northern Pacific merger
should serve as revelations to those who have
placed confidence in Mr. Roosevelt's "strenuosity."
What -About the Merger?
The Kansas City Journal says that in his
Fitchburg speech President Roosevelt "pointed
out the folly of the man', whp -says 'destroy tho
.trust' and stated in clear and succinct English
what ought to be the exclusive aim of all anti
trust measures and legislation, that is not tho
destruction of the trusts, but the destruction of
trust evils."
The republican platform of 1900 declared:
"We condemn all conspiracies and combinations
intended to restrict business and create monop
olies, to limit production and to control prices,
and favor such legislatibri as will effectively re-
strain and prevent all such abuses, protect and
promote competition and secure the rights of pro
ducers, laborers and all who are, engaged in in
dustry and commerce."
Isn't that a promise that the trusts will bo
destroyed?
Trust evils are made possible only by the crea
tion of trusts and the destruction of trust evils
can only be accomplished by the removal of the
cause of those evils. This does not mean any de
struction or attack upon legitimate corporations or
business concerns. Men who do not contemplate
conspiracies and combinations Intended to re
strict business, men who do not desire to create
monopolies, to limit production or to control
prices, do not organize trusts. The trusts are or
ganized for the very purpose of accomplishing tho
things which were denounced by the republican
national platform, of 1900; and the only legisla
tion that will effectively restrain and "prevent all
such abuses, protect and promote competition and
secure the rights of producers, laborers and all
who are engaged in industry and commerce" Is
legislation honestly and fearlessly enforced en
forced in a way that strikes not a feather blow
at the monopoly, the conspiracy and the combina
tion, but strikes rather that telling blow that re
sults in the conspiracy's destruction.
If the destruction of the trusts is not to be
aimed at by the intelligent opponent of the trust
system then why did President Roosevelt instruct
his attorney general to commence proceedings
against the proposed Northern Pacific merger?
If it is not proper to destroy the trusts, why is
it proper to prevent the creation of trusts? And
if "not the destruction of the trusts, but the de
struction of trust evils" is the thing to be sought
by the intelligent man, why did not President
Roosevelt permit the Northern Pacific merger to
be accomplished and then wait until the evils of
that trust showed themselves before he struck tho
blow? "
If Mr. Roosevelt took the proper position' in
his Fitchburg speech, and If the Kansas City Jour
nal is correct, then Mr. Roosevelt was in error
when he commenced proceedings against tho pro
posed merger of the Northern Pacific.
JSJ
. Attempting Deception Again.
Governor Taft is reportod as making a speech
at Manila in which ho said that tho United States
would rotain tho Philippine islands indefinitely
with a view of educating tho Filipinos to a stato
of Bolf-govejrnment and othor conditions which
would onablo them to decide whothor they dcslrod
to becomo independent or bo mado Into a stato
liko Canada or Australia.
The Chicago Times-Herald, commenting on
this piomiso says that "tho all-important word In
tho promlso or prediction Is tho word 'indefinite
ly'," and suggests that it might run for centuries.
What right has Governor Taft to suggest tho pos
sibility of independence if ho has not tho power
to grant It, or to bind tho American government?
Tho difforonco betweon tho lot of a subject under a
colonial system and tho lot of a citizen in a free
country is so great and so essential that no tlmo
ought to bo lost in letting tho Filipinos know
which condition they are. to expect. If we are go
ing to keep them as subjects common honesty
would require that wo tell them and not gain ad
vantage over them by decoptlon or misrepresenta
tion. If, on the other hand, we are going to givo
them their independence at some future time wo
owo It to themand to ourselves to let It be known
when and upon what conditions.
It looks very much as If tho rcp'.:b!icn party
was resorting to its old tactics and laying tho
foundation for another betrayal of tho people.
When the question was up in congress Mr. Colo
offered an amendment promising Independence to
tho Filipinos, the same to bo given as soon as
they showed themselves competont for self-government
This amendment was objectionable In
that it assumed present Incapacity, and assumed
that that incapacity would continuo for an in
definite period. And yet it had tho virtue of giv
ing tho Filipinos hope of ultimate independence.
But the republican members of congress, with two
exceptions, voted against this declaration and re
fused to declare in any way tho purpose of tho
party, or to disclose its plan for dealing with tho s
Filipinos. The situation In the sonatc was the
same. Now, however, Governor Taft Is quoted as
giving, without tho authority of congress, a sort
of qualified prpmise of 'Independence, and this
qualified promise will be used by republicans to
answer those who Insist that tho republican party
stands for imperialism If they can carry a few
elections on this basis they will then be In a
position to declare that the policy of the admin
istration has been indorsed, and the Alamo will
be shifteu1 from the administration to tho voters.
The republican leaders pursued that method in
regard to the money question, and they are pur
suing that method in regard to tho trust? question,
and it is quite evident that they are going to
adopt this plan with reference to the Philippine
question. This course may satisfy thoso republi
cans who are so partisan that they will not In
quire into the tendency of republican policies, but
those who are intelligent enough to think and act
for themselves will readily see that we arij in the
position of a continuing trespasser and that as such
wc jean only justify ourselves by a prompt and
complete disclaimer of any intention to remain
longer than necessary to assist in tho establish
ment of a stable government
The Teller resolution asserted our purpose
in regard to Cuba and nothing short of a similar
resolution can place us right on the Philippine
question. If wo attempt-to justify the permanent
holding of the Philippine islands we must be pre
pared to make them citizens at some future time
or to keep them as subjects forever, and the re
publicans are not willing to advocate either alter
native. If we are not willing to hold them as sub-
jects or to make them citizens we ought to be
willing to declare our intention to give them Inde
pendence, and the. sooner that declaration Is made .
the better. Democrats ought to insist upon the
issue being met squarely. If a republican quoted
the vague promise of Governor Taft Jie ought tar
be asked by what authority Governor Taft makes
the promise. If the president has authorized Gov
ernor Taft to hold out the hope of independence,
why does he not ask congress to put the hope in
such form that the honor of tho nation will be
pledged to a fulfillment of the promise. Why per
mit the assurance to be given In such a way that
no one can be held responsible for Its withdrawal?
The republican party has employed deception 4
so long and so successfully that it seems either
unable or unwilling to meet an Issue honestly and 4
openly, even where every dictate of honor and
conscience join in requiring candor.
V
vt.