The Commoner.
WILLIAH J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
Vol. 2. No. 34.
Lincoln, Nebraska, Sept. 12, 1902.
Whole No. 86i
The Blonder In Iowa
On another page will be found an editorial
reproduced. from the Omaha World-Herald entitled
"The Iowa Blunder." It so fully covers the case
that Us reproduction makes it unnecessary for
The Commoner to add any extended commont.
The democrats of Iowa have blundered, and it is
difficult to say who are most to blame the men
who engineered the scheme or the men who were
duped into believing that a party can fight best
when on the run. The mistake made in Ohio a
year ago has been repeated in Iowa, and the tac
tics employed were quite similar, although the
majority against the indorsement of the Kansas
City platform was much greater in Ohio than in
Iowa, being only 384 to 344 in the latter state.
The Iowa platform does not indorse the gold
standard, and therein demonstrates the cowardice
of those who are not willing to indorse the na
tional platform of tbie party. If bimetallism is
not desirable the Iowa reorganlzers ought to be
willing to indorse the gold standard; if they favor
bimetallism and are opposed to the ratio 'of 16 to 1
they ougljt to be willing to state what ratio they
do favor, but they are not. They dare not put in
writing any plan upon the money question and ask
for its indorsement at the polls. They show small
respect for the intelligence of the people when
they assume that the voters can be fooled by such
dodging and equivocation. If the democratic party
cannot be trusted to state its position on the
money question it cannot be trusted to stand by
a position on any question, and the timid souls
who beat a retreat on finance are not likely to
beat a charge anywhere. If their fear of the finan
ciers compels them to be silent on the money
question they will find that the same scare will be
used when they attempt to deal effectively with
any question. If they had shown half as much
moral courage in fighting the money changers as
Governor Cummins showed in fighting the tariff
protected trusts they would have won more votes
than they will by making concessions to the men
who, by helping the republican party in 1896, be
came responsible for all of the iniquities against
which. the Iowa platform declares. The Iowa dem
ocrats who endeavored to secure the indorsement
of the Kansas City platform can confidently ex
pect better success next year, but they must make
their fight at the primaries and not wait until the
convention has been packed with men selected for
the purpose of surrendering the party's position
on the financial question. Insofar as the Iowa plat
form touches on public questions it is, in the main,
sound, but it is neither as explicit nor as strong
as the Kansas City platform which the conven
tion threw into the waste basket. The fact is that
a platform means much or little, according to the
purpose of those who are to administer it, and
no platform, however good, will amount to much
if it must be administered by men who are fright
ened at their shadows and are willing to com
promise on any question in the hope of securing
a few votes. -
JJJ
Labor on Its Own Feet.
The Sioux City Journal, the leading republi
can newspaper of Iowa and one of the best edited
republican newspapers in the country, uncon
sciously stated a great truth in its issue of the
morning after Labor Day when It said:
"A Labor Day parade offors much encour
agement Labor is able to-go on its own feet."
The Journal meant it for a compliment, and
only a compliment, but the truth is so apparent
and so great that it deserves more than passing
notice.
Labor is able to travel on its own feet solely
bocause labor has been compelled to walk without
assistance. But tho "infant industries" must be
provided with "jumpers," "perambulators," patent
walking devices and all kinds of supports and
protection. Tho working masses must fight their
own way, but capitalists must bo given govern
ment bounty, protection and a chance to wrest
an undue profit from the people.
When laboring men organize and refuse to
work unless paid remunerative wages they are
President Roosevelt
Why not proceed against the
Trusts flier the Criminal Clause of
the Sherman Anti-Trust Law?
Section One of that law reads:
Sec, I, Every contract, combination in
the form of trust or otherwise, or conspir
acy, in restraint of trade or commerce
among the several states, or with foreign
nations, is hereby declared illegal. Ev
ery person who shall make any such con
tract or engage in any such combination
or conspiracy, shall be deemed guilty of a
misdemeanor, and, on conviction thereof,
shall be punished by fine not exceeding
five thousand dollars, or by imprisonment
not exceeding oria year, or by both said
punishments, in the discretion of the court,
called "anarchists," "disturbers of the peace,"
"menaces to society" and "agitators," but when
capitalists organize and shut up one-half their
mills In order to limit production and thereby
force the people to pay tribute it is called "the
evolution of modern industrial methods" and the
capitalists are called "captains of industry."
When the laborers organize and attempt to force
capital to terms, the militia is called out When
capitalists organize and force labor and the public
to pay tribute, public officials talk about the "deli
cate machinery of our vast business system" and
plead that nothing be done to disarrange tho
machinery.
To be sure "labor Is able to go on its own
feet.'' -Why should capital be helped along and
coddled and nursed? Is capital any better or any
more deserving than labor?
Johnson Wins In Ohio
The Ohio convention was of Importance to
the democratic party for two reasons; first, bo
causo tho democrats of Ohio indorsed tho Kansas
City platform and put themselves in lino with
tho democracy of tho nation; and, second, because
it showed Tom Johnson's influence in tho councils
of tho party lnthat stato. One year ago tho Mc
Lean following was sufficient to provent tho in
dorsement . of democratic principles as enunciated
In tho last national platform and Mr. McLean
had a considerable portion, although not a ma
jority, of tho stato committee. The readers of
Tho Comraonor will remember the comment that
was made upon the Ohio platform of 1901, and they
will also remember that tho election returns did
not justify tho expectations of those who thought
that they could build up tho party by remaining
silont on tho money question. It was probably
fortunate that the evasion occurred last year,
rather than this, because it aroused the rank and
file of the party, and they Instructed at the pri
maries, and by tho time the state convention was
reached the McLean element was so weak that it
did not make any open contest. Tho influence
exerted by Tom Johnson upon tho party organi
zation is a wholesome one.. wHcla strong, brave
and honest. His sympathies are with tho people,
and ho has the ability to fight their battles for
them. He is open and abovo board in his meth
ods and takes the people Into his confidence. His
candor is shown by his speech as temporary
chairman. Ho said:
"The money question also is national.
And let me tell you this is no dead issue, as
some would have us believe. Dead though it
may be In ono form, it is alive in other and
more radical forms. So long as Wall street
interests dictate our- financial policies, tho
money question cannot die. You know that
I have never accepted the doctrine commonly
known as '16 to 1.' I have worked with those
who do accept it because I have believed, as
I believe yet, that the free silver fight was the
first great protest of the American people
against monopoly the first great struggle here
of tho masses against the privileged classes.
It was not free sliver that frightened tho
plutocratic leaders. What they feared was
free men."
z
Mr. Johnson was not an advocate of freo coin--age
at 16 to 1, but the Chicago platform had no
more earnest supporter because he recognized
that tho sliver question was only one phase of
the money question and that tho money question
was only one phase of the unending struggle be
tween greed and human rights. Mr. Johnson has
not studied the money question as thoroughly as
he has studied some other economic questions,
but he is so devoted to the Interests of the peo
ple that he can be depended upon to stand with
them in the settlement of every controversy. He
recognizes that the money question is not dead
and he says it cannot die so long as Wall street
interests dictate our financial policies, and th&t
Wall street will dictate unless the people are con
stantly on their guard is only too evident.
The great financiers who act as pawn brokers
for nations and great corporations do not want
money plentiful; they are advocates now and al
ways of dear money because it is to their interest
to be so. When, after 1849, gold became plentiful