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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (April 11, 1902)
H'KMHKJBSanE l,"5'"-,-'?lTi wW1""11" Volume' aNofi 2. lng to Uio distinguished cx-sonalor, aro "usually mon of proporty," and ho dcscrlbco them as' "strictly conscientious," "patriotic In thoir pur poses, and Elncoroly desirous of good government undor whatever party It may bo secured," while ho has nothing but words of condemnation for thoso who supported tho Chicago platform. If, as Jofforson says, thoro aro but two porma nont parties In ovory country, tho democratic party and tho aristocratic party, tho above quota tion from Mr. Hill's artlclo would justify him in aspiring to tho leadership of tho aristocratic party, for no republican has gono beyond him in sycophantic praiso of "men of proporty." Ho would put tho party in a sorvilo and suppliant position boforo tho corporations and syndicates and mako its action dopond upon a wink or a nod from them. Sinco thoy aro not attached to any party, but go whorovor their pocuniary interests lead them, all platforms must bo made to ad vanco thoir interests and all nominations must re colvo tho stamp of thoir approval. No opponent of Mr. Hill has ovor brought against him a stronger indictment t'.an ho brings against him self in tho languago above quoted. After having thus declared himself it was not necessary for him to elaborate upon issues, for issues find their basis iu fundamental principles and Mr. Hill boldly announces that no principles aro to be con sidered and no policies avocated which "disgust, offond or frighton this class of electors." If these peoplo want a gold standard wo must have a gold standard; If they want a national bank currency wo must havo a national bank currency; if thoy own stock in trusts wo must deal tonderly with tho trusts; if they want high tariff wo must not disturb tho tariff; if thoy expect to find a profit in tho oxploitation of distant colonies wo must not say anything against a colonial system this is Mr. Hill's logic, although ho does not apply it to all issues. In other wbrds, because the republican . party offers to lend itself to concentrated wealth, the democratic party must do tho same, and thoso who object to tho surrender of democratic prin ciples must bo content to bo classed with the "political adventurer, ignoramus and demagogue." According to Mr. Hill the party should havo adopted tho sliver plank which he recommended at tho convention, which was a declaration in favor of international bimetallism. But as this was tho exact position taken by tho republican party at St. Louis thore would havo been no issue on tho money question. Besides, tho plank that tho republican party and Mr. Hill favored abdicted BoU-governmont and made our financial system de pend upon tho action o other countries. A man who holloves the gold standard to bo a good thing can ho excused for advocating it, hut what excuse can thero bo for a policy that permits other na tions to decide for us a question of such great im portance as our financial policy? Mr. Hill's argument against tho income tax is the same that ho made in congress and is based upon tho fact that ho looks at the question from tho standpoint of ono who Is more interested in protecting rich clients from tho payment of their just dues to tho government than in the welfare of tho public generally. Ho is Indignant at what ho regards as injustice to people with largo in comes, but ho is not at all concerned about the injustice done to tho masses of the people by a tax upon consumption. He Is too intelligent a man not to know that taxes collected on con sumption through internal revenue duties and im port duties bear heaviest upon tho poor and aro, in fact, a graded income tax, tho highest per cent being paid by those with tho smallest incomes and the lowest per cent being paid by thoso with tho largest incomes. Knowing the effect of a tax upon consumption his failure to mako any protest against it while he is quick to object to a small income tax, shows that his sympathies aro on tho side of thoso who havo largo incomes rather than on ,the side of thoso who labor for small compensa- The Commoner. tlon. So long as he looks at the question of taxa tion with an oyo single to the interests of tho peoplo of ono stato ho ought not to attempt to speak for tho peoplo of other states, and as tho income tax would touch but a small fraction of tho peoplo of New York, It is a question whether ho really represents tho interests of any consid erable portion of tho people of his own state. Ho thinks the supremo court was not treated with proper respect. Ho ought to read the speeches of Lincoln and republican platforms on tho Died Scott decision. Tho construction which he places upon tho income tax plank is far fetched and be trays his deslro to find fault with the platform rather than to find reasons for supporting it. Thero was no ground whatever for his suspicion that the democratic party intended an attack upon tho court. Tho fact that ono set of judges over throw by a majority vote a decision rendered by tho unanimous voto of a former set of judges naturally suggests the possibility of a different de cision from somo future court. He seems to know so well how a court can bo packed by an "unscrupulous president" that ono is led to wonder whether he, if president, would pack the United States bench with corporation at torneys recommended by the "intelligent" and "patriotic" "men of property." Mr. Hill also places himself on record in op position to legal tender paper money. Infringing on Mr. Cleveland's copyright of "true democracy" he says "tho true democratic theory is that con gress has no constitutional power to issue any moro paper money and should not issue any whatever." This, taken in connection with his plea for national banks, places Mr. Hill squarely against government paper and in favor of national bank paper, and explains why he has had noth ing to say against tho Fowler bill which proposes an asset bank currency and a branch bank system. -It is fortunate -for. tho public that Mr. Hill wrote the Forum article, because it gives to demo cratic voters somo Idea of the purposes of the re organizers. A reorganized democracy would con tinue the republican policy and make the treas ury department an asset of the national banking association. Mr. Hill also took offense at the plank which declared against the issue of interest-bearing bonds in time of peace. That plank was a con demnation of Mr. Cleveland's bond policy, and Mr. Hill's criticism of the plank makes him a de fender of tho Rothschild-Morgan contract whicll was as disgraceful a transaction as any adminis tration was ever guilty of. The plank against life tenure in office was directed against the growing tendency to increase the number of positions for which appointments aro made for life, and was entirely consistent with the position taken by the democratic party on other questions. The fact that there are frequent changes in elective offices shows that public sen timent is against lifo tenure, and in a republic thero is no excuse for systems which are not sup ported by public sentiment Mr. Hill was so anxious to have an excuse for sulking that he even resented the attempt to limit the plank to offices not created by the con stitution. In discussing the plank relating to federal au thority in the states, Mr. Hill purposely ignored tho fact, brought out during the campaign, that the democratic plank on that subject was not as emphatic as a similar plank which appeared in Lincoln's first platform, as will be seen by tho following: PLANK IN REPUBLICAN PLATFORM OF 18G0. That tho maintenance inviolate of tho rights of the states, and especially the rtaht of each state to order and control its own do mestic institutions according to its own judg ment exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers on which tho perfection and endur ance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawle invasion, by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter ' under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. i PLANK IN DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM OF 1896. We denounce arbitrary Interference by federal authorities in local affairs as a viola- ! tion of the constitution of tho United States and a crime against free institutions, and we especially object to government by injunction, as a new and highly dangerous form of op- ' pression, by which federal judges in con- tempt of the laws of the states and the rights of citizens become at onco legislators, judges ' and executioners, and we approve the bill I passed at the last session of the United States ! , senate, and now pending In the house of rep resentatives, relative to contempts in federal courts, and providing for trials by jury in -certain cases of contempt. The shallowness of Mr. Hill's criticism is shown by the fact that Mr. Hopkins, who was mayor of Chicago at the time of the riot and advised Gov ernor Altgeld that state troops were not needed, was at the head of the Palmer and Buckner move ment in Illinois and is now the leader of the re organizers in that state. The senate bill against government by injunc tion, indorsed in the above quoted plank, wa3 supported by Mr. Hill in the senate and passed practically without oppositionbut that was be fore the corporations discovered what was going on. To thoroughly understand Mr. Hill's magazine article it must be remembered that it appeared soon after the election of 1896 when the bolting democrats were rejoicing in a republican victory and when they thought that they had entirely de stroyed the democratic party as then organized. Deceived by the clamor of the great dailies, Mr. Hill supposed that defeat had destroyed the in fluence of those who had rescued the party from the 'domination of corporate ' wealth and thaf'tlie men who had supported the republican ticket.'.or the Palmer and Buckner ticket would" bo- per- -mitted- to take control of the party and prepare for a sham battle over minor questions," I-Ie-would not write such an article now. He is too adroit a politician to seek a nomination upon a platform as open and as candid as the ono out lined in his article. He now deals in glittering -generalities and imitates the notes of the dove as he pleads for peace and harmony. But it is well for democrats to understand his position upon public questions and to know that the peace for which he sues is peace with the foes of dem- ocracy and harmony with those vwho use tho in strumentalities of government for public plunder and private gain. JJJ Congressional Record Condensed. At present the Congressional Record reaches but few people and it is so cumbersome that lt'i scarcely read by those who receive it. Why not ' condense it to a reasonable size and furnish it at cost to all who desire it? A weekly edition of " the Congressional Record containing a brief ac count of all bills favorably reported, a more ex- . tended account of all bills discussed and tho full .' text of all laws enacted, together with a sum- ' ZZ f gUments for and aSainst themi the on G ,th! PePlG t0 Sit in upon. -mltVu f lhCiT rePreseiatives and render a- : more intelligent verdict at the polls. A congres sional committee composed of members of The SKT could Brperviso the pi made on Lm Bl1?8eiltatton of the best arguments Son Th. nn SidGS VGry coroverted que. - tte nrelitnf CUld PU!,liSl1 thG messa of ' depaTmen T"" rePrtS 0f tho Ioua departments so that readers would be informed of all that was done by the federal government Snh a paper would not interfere with Te work' o tto K country weekly, hut by furnishing alau till tic report of matters pertaining tn L aumcnuc . would leave the country editor gVernmf fc editorial discussion of SC '".