The Commoner.
WILLIAH J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
f
Vol. 2. No. ii.
DO WE DESERVE
THE COMPLIMENT?
Tomas Estrada Palraa, president-elect of the Cu
ban republic, upon the announcement" that the
United States would withdraw from Cuba, and
permit the young republic to take its place among
the nations of the earth, issued a statement in
which he said:
The government of the United States has
shown a most beautiful example of good faith
in dealing with a weak government which it
undertook to rescue from its oppressors. It
has demonstrated its generosity and patriot
ism, and by the shedding of its own blood has
helped Cuba to break the chain which united
it with Spain. Some countries would have
sought some pretext for selfish gain in un
dertaking a work of this character, and would
have taken advantage of some technicality for
their own aggrandizement, but the contrary
spirit has been manifested by the United
States, and it has given to the ..orld an evi
dence of good will seldom found. The people
of the United States have remembered their
own Declaration of Independence, and have
fulfilled a duty to mankind.
This compliment would make the American
breast swell with pride, if the compliment itself
' didteotSffemind us of our shortcomings in our
dealings with another people. . -.--'
The Filipinos helped us in our contest against
our foe and their oppressor. Have we shown to
ward the Filipinos "a most beautiful example of
good faith?" Have we demonstrated toward the
Filipinos our "generosity and patriotism?"
"Some countries," says President Palma,
"would have sought some pretext. for selfish gain
in undertaking a work of this character, and would
have taken advantage of some technicality for
their own aggrandizement, but the contrary spirit
has been manifested by the United States and it
has given to the world an evidence of good -will
seldom found." This is said with respect to our
actions toward Cuba. Can it be said, in truth,
with respect to our actions toward the Filipinos?
Have we not in fact "sought some pretext for
selfish gain?" Have we not "taken advantage of
some technicality for our own aggrandizement"
in our attitude toward our former allies In the
Philippines?
"The people of the United States," says Presi
dent Palma, "have remembered their own Dec
laration of Independence, and have fulfille'd a duty
to mankind." Undoubtedly President Palma meant
well in his generous tribute to the "beautiful ex
ample of good faith" with which he credits our
government; but In emphasizing this "beautiful ex
ample of good faith" in our dealings with Cuba,
he has emphasized our lack of good faith in our
dealings with the Filipinos?
He has" stirred within the American breast a
'feeling of pride, so far as concerns our final act
toward the Cubans, but that feeling was to some
extent checked by a feeling of shame in the
recollection of our course toward the people of
the Philippine Islr.nds.
And why might not the same tribute that has
been paid by "President Palma in the name of the
Cubans have been paid with equal truth ln the
name of the Filipinos? Why might, not the
Lincoln, Nebraska, April 4, 1902.
Whole No. 63
American people have "remembered their own
Declaration of Independence" and why might
they not have fulfilled" a duty to mankind" In
their dealings with the Filipinos in the same man
ner and the same spirit which President Palma
says they displayed with relation to Cuba?
A Specific Instruction.
On March 3, 1900, the following resolution
was passed by the house of delegates of the state
of Virginia, and the same wa: passed by the sen
ate on the 5th of that month:
Be it resolved that Hon. John W. Daniel
and Hon. Thomas S. Martin, be, and they are
hereby requested, to use their best efforts to
secure an amendment to the constitution of
the United States providing for tho election
. of United States senators by direct vote of
the people.
Of-course, such a resolution, followed by the
indorsement of the same doctrine by the demo
cratic national convention, makes it certain that
the sonators from Virginia will cordially support
the resolution now before the senate submitting
a constitutional amendment providing for the
popular election of senators. It is to be re
gretted that all of the states -have not been equal
ly specific. There is reason, however, to expect
that every democratic senator will be recorded in
' favor of the resolution when the roll Is called. If
any one is to stand in the way of popular govern
ment and the direct representation of the people
in the United States senate let it be a republican,
not a democrat.
JJJ
TREASON IN THE
PHILIPPINES.
The Commoner has received several requests
for the publication of the law, or rather the official
order, making it a criminal offense for any one to
read the Declaration of Independence in the Phil
ippine islands. It will be found in an order
known as No. 292, entitled, "An act defining the
crimes of treason, etc.," and was enacted "by the'
United States Philippine commission by authority
of the president of the United States." Section 10
reads as follows:
Until it has been officially proclaimed that
a state of war or insurrection against the au
thority or sovereignty of the United States
no longer exists in the Philippine islands, it
shall be unlawful for any person to advocate
orally or by writing or printing or like meth
ods, the independence of the Philippine islands
or their separation from the United States
whether by peaceable or forcible means, or to'
print, publish or circulate any hand bill, news
paper or other publication, advocating such
independence or separation. Any person vio
lating the provisions of this section shall be
punished by a fine of not exceeding two thou
sand dollars and imprisonment not exceed
ing one year."
Circulating the Declaration of Independence
"would violate this order.
Section 9 of the same act provides a punish
ment for any one who joins a society for the
promulgation of any political opinion or policy.
Section 1j provides that the act shall not ap
ply to certain provinces unless the commanding
general shall authorize and direct prosecutions
under the act, "in which event it shall apply."
In such provinces no one can tell whether the law
is in force until the prosecution is begun
The anti-imperialists in the senate had ample
reason for denouncing this sample of artibrary
power. What would republicans haye said five
years ago if they had been charged with corf
templating such' a policy?
TRUTHS THAT ARE
SELF-EVIDENT.
No ono who has watched the progress of events
during the last four years has failed to notion
the increasing frequency with which self-evident
truths have been attacked. Tho Declaration of
Independence formed the beginning of a new
epoch In history; the truths set fcrth In that Im
mortal document had long been entertained in
secret, but no nation had set them forth with
such clearness and positiveness. For nearly a
century and a quarter these truths have been
stated and reiterated by those who have spoken in
defense of free institutions. They aro self-evident
truths because they appeal to that sense of justice
which is inherent in every person. When it is
said that they are self-evident it docs not mean
that they will not be denied, for no truth Is so
plain that it will not be denied by those who have
an interest, or think they have an interest, in Its
overthrow. Some one has suggested that if any
pecuniary advantage could be gained by dlsput
Ing the law of gravitation, many influential and
learned men could be found who would seriously
attempt to destroy confidence in that universal
law: ' T
When it is said that the truths set forth in the
Declarr.ion of Independence are self-evident
truths, it simply means that they appeal to those
o are anxious to find the truth, and will bo
supported by those who have no personal reason
for rejecting the truth. It is not expected that an
hereditary monarch will admit that "all men are
created equal," and that "governments derive
their just powers from the consent of the gov
erned." He would have to forfeit his throne in
order to accept the doctrine, and that would re
quire a self-denial which kings have not usually
shown. There is not a single legal enactment,
moral precept or great principle, however widely
accepted, that is not at times condemned and de
nounced by those whose pride or whose pocket
books would be touched by the enforcement of that
law, precept or principle.
But one of the tests of a self-evident truth Is to
be found in the failure of those who oppose it to
propose a substitute for it. For instance, if a man
denies' that all men are created equal, he will
first misconstrue the doctrine, and then, when
asked, to furnish a substitute for it, will have
none. Men are not created equal in physical
strength, in mental ability, In moral character or
in worldly possessions. No one has ever asserted
that they are, but they are created equal in their
natural rights. Strength varies from day to day:
mental ability may be inherited in part and In
F?rt acquired, and It may be destroyed by acci
dent or disease. Moral character may be built up
and it may be lost; wealth may be accumulated or
it may be squandered, but natural rights can
neither be acquired nor annihilated.
When God created man he bestowed upon him
certain inalienable rights rights which govern
ment did not give and rights which it cannot take
away. In the possession of these rights every
human being is equal to every other human be
ing. No friend of imperialism, no supporter of
monarchy, no scion of aristocracy, no represen-
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