The
Commoner
WILLIAfl J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
Vol. 2. No. 4.
Lincoln, Nebraska, February 14, 1902.
$1.00 a Year.
An Invitation to Kruger.
' Congressman Cochran of Missouri has intro
duced into the house the following resolution:
Resolved, hy the senate and the house,
that the Honorable Paul Kruger, president of
the South African republic, is hereby invited
to visit the United States as the guest of the
country, at such a time as may suit his con
venience. For the defrayment of the expenses
incurred in his entertainment while in this
country the sum of $25,000 or so much thereof
as may bo necessary is hereby appropriated out
of any money in the treasury not otherwise
appropriated.
Will congress adopt the resolution and extend
the invitation? It is to be hoped that Congress
man Cochran and his democratic associates will
compel action upon the resolution. The republi
cans are willing to spend money to entertain the
brother of an emperor; they are willing to spend
money to send special envoys to attend the crown
ing of a king will they refuse an invitation to the
president of a republic?
The committee may try to ignore Mr. Coch
ran's resolution, but the democrats can join in a
petition to the committee on rules to set a time
lor its report and consideration. If the republi
cans refuse to join in the petition they will go on
record; if the committee on -rules refuses to con
sider the petition,, a majority of the hous can
.efimpel its consideration. If the resolution is
pass&ti and Kruger comes Europe will find out
where the sympathies of the American people are;
if, on the other hand, the resolution is rejected by
the republicans, the American people will inquire
why the republican party is so quick to show
courtesy to a king, but so indifferent to a con
spicuous representative of self-government.
JJJ
An Affirmative Policy.
The democrats of the senate are doing ex
cellent service to the party when they present a
positive and affirmative policy for dealing with the
Philippine situation. They propose to strike out
all of the Philippine revenue bill after the enacting
clause and substitute the following:
(1) That the United States relinquish all
claim to sovereignty over the Philippines,
"subject to the provisions hereinafter set
forth."
(2) That from and after the passage of
this act the Philippine islands shall be foreign
territory, and all goods entering the United
States therefrom shall be subject to the same
duties, customs, and imposts as are now or may
he hereafter prescribed by law for goods en
tered from other foreign countries; provided,
that during the temporary occupation of the
islands all trade between them and the United
States shall be free.
(3) That the United States shall continue
to occupy the archipelago until the Filipinos
have formed for themselves a stable govern
ment, and until sufficient guarantees have been
obtained for the performance of our treaty
obligations with Spain, and for the safety of
those inhabitants who have adhered to the
United States.
(4) That as soon as these results have
been accomplished, it .is declared to be the pur
pose of the United States to withdraw from
the Philippines, and leave the government,
.control, and sovereignty thereof to the inhabi
tants, retaining only such military, naval, and
coaling stations as may be designated by the
government of the United States."
It is safe to say that a large proportion, if not
more than half, of the republicanWoters would, if
their real convictions could be ascertained, com
mend this settlement of the Philippine question.
It is an honest, just and peaceful settlement. It
gives us all that we need and yet gives the Fili
pinos all that they desire. It puts our relations
with the Filipinos upon a basis of fairness. It
saves us from a policy which is rapidly undermin
ing our ideas of free government and free speech.
The Schurman incident illustrates what may
be expected under militarism. The republicans in
the senate will And it difficult to justify their
policy of taxation without representation and gov
ernment without the consent of the governed when
so easy, so natural and so American a way as that
presented by the democrats is within reach.
JJJ
Fusion in 1892.
Some weeks ago The Commoner published an
editorial in which reference was made to the fact
that in the campaign of 1892 the democratic na
tional committee advised the democrats of Ne
braska to vote for the populist electors. My at
tention has been called to the fact that the state
ment has been challenged in some quarters and
proof demanded. For the benefit of those who are
skeptical, the following extract is published from
a letter sent out by James B. Boyd, then governor
' of the state of Nebraska, since then one of the
vxjjroixfinant members o the gold contingent of the
democratic-party: -- --$! -v- --
. Lincoln, Neb., Oct; 17. (Personal and
confidential.) Dear Sir: I have just returBfti
from the east where I was honored by a cbnu
sulfation with the national committee and
leading men of our party, with regard to the
best policy to be pursued in Nebraska this
fall in dealing with the electoral ticket; and
they agreed with mo that the wisest course
would be for democrats to support the Weaver
electors; the object being to take Nebraska out
of her accustomed place in the republican
.column.
Information has reached me that a num
ber of independents who were formerly re
publicans contemplate voting for the Harri
son electors. With the republican strength
thus augmented it would be impossible for the '
democrats to carry their own electors' ticket '
to victory. It is therefore the part of good '
judgment and wise action for democrats to sup- '
port the Weaver electors in as large num
bers as possible. For democrats to do this Is
no abandonment of principle; on the con- '
trary, it is a definite step toward victory, and
the ultimate triumph of Cleveland and Stev
enson, and the principles they represent.
It may be added that in the spring of 1893
the committee of United States senators intrusted
with the oversight of the-senatorial contests in
th a various states approved of the combination
which resulted in the election of Senator W. V.
Allen, a Nebraska populist.
It was not until the populists came to the
rescue of the democratic party in 189G that they
became so odious to the gold democrats, and the
reason for this antipathy Is found In the fact that
the populists suported the democratic ticket when
the gold democrats went over to the republican
party.
JJJ
Danish Treaty Needs Amendment.
The treaty for the purchase of the Danish isl
ands should be so amended as to provide that the
inhabitants shall, if. they wish, become citizens of
the United States, and not merely subjects. This
amendment should assure them of the full pro
tection of the constitution of tho United States and
of incorporation into some state in which they
can enjoy the advantages of self-government and
participation in the nation's destiny.
Another amendment should provide that the
treaty shall take effect when a majority of the in
habitants of tho islands give their consent to the
change of sovereignty. Tho sale of tho islands to
the United States was about to bo consummated in
18G7, but at that time Denmark insisted that tho
formal consont of tho people should bo obtained,
and tho reputation of our nation was so good as a
republic that only twenty-three votes out of twelve
hundred were cast against the sale. We have ac
quired such a bad reputation as an empire during
the last three years that tho inhabitants of the
island are now petitioning against the sale, but
there is no doubt that their prejudice would bo
removed if they were assured that they were to bo
treated as American citizens.
The purchase of tho islands is wise and the
price satisfactory, provided always that we" can
purchase them without violating American prin
ciples and without making unwilling citizens of
tho inhabitants. The democrats in the senate can
well afford to take their stand upon democratic
ground and, as far-as their votes will go, admin-
Jster a rebuke to ttieyrtpubllcaus who are falling
into the monarchical 'habit, of buying people with-
( out regard to -thftirpyis and then 'dealing wjjth.
?ttiem without regard "to thV eofiSfitutlbTii; r"r3Tf ""
JJJ
-Raising Judicial Salaries.
The bill increasing the salaries of United
States supreme court judges has already passed the
senate, and, as might have been expected, the jour
nals which aro owned and controlled by corpora
tions or corporation magnates aro all shouting for
"better pay for our judges!" The St. Paul Globe,
which is a fair representative of this class of
pt.pers, says:
On all theories of public employment, con
sonant with representative systems, public
servants should be paid the highest price avail
able for their smices, where those services
involve continuous labor. Tho measure now
i;nder discussion at Washington for an In
crease in tho pay of the judges of the supremo
court is a just one. No lawyer of high stand
ing and experience in his calling would re
gard $10,000 as an entirely satisfactory rate
of compensation. Many lawyers not qualified
to serve on the highest appellate benoh of tho
country can make five times the amount of the
salary allowed to a supreme court judge.
It is well to examine the subject and weigh
the arguments submitted. The judges of tho
supremo court hold office for life; the salary of ten
thousand dollars is a net income, nothing having
to bo deducted for office expenses or library. If a
lawyer's gross Income is twenty-five thousand dol
lars, his litt income is from fifteen to twenty,
thousand. What lawyer having a net income of
fifteen to twenty thousand dollars would not
glally sui render it for a net income of ten thou
sand dollars for life? The honor, too, is one
which may form a fitting crown to a great law
yer's achievements, and a lawyer who would re-,
gard honor as more valuable than any money,
compensation would be more apt to be a good judga
than a man who took the position merely for the
money that there was in It.
A supreme court judge can live comfortably on
ten thousand a year and save something besides.
United States senators and members of congress
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