Commoner. it it WILLIAn J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. :: The . ,, I ft ' L lr 1 :: ( f vYbL-i. No. 52. Lincoln, Nebraska, January 17, 190a, $1.00 a Year Another Lesson. ' The defeat o Perry Belmont in a strong demo cratic district ought to show the eastern demo crats the folly of nominating fqr national posi tions men who are known to antagonize demo cratic principles. In 1896 Mr. Belmont was a con spicuous supporter of the Palmer-Buckner move ment which was organized in the interest of the republican ticket. In 1900 he was one of those .who gave nominal allegiance to the democratio party, not with any desire to advance democratic principles, but for the purpose of betraying the party again into the hands of the enemy. That he should ask for the honor of a seat in congress where he could misrepresent the democracy of his state shows how little respect he has for the in terests of his would-be constituents. His defeat was well merited and ought to serve as a lesson to those who assume that the voters of .the party will vote for any one who may happen to be nominated, even though ho be a republican mas querading as a democrat. Mr. Belmont has given no evidence of a change of heart since 1896, and until he does ho ought not to expect the confidence of those who .were loyal then. When he does undergo a change of heart he will be so ashamed of his past conduct that he will be content with the position of a pri ,vte, in the ranks until he can prove his repentence toy. hiswqpks.. A Change of Base. - 'Although we may deplore the lowering of Ideals that has taken place in the Outlook, we must give-its editor .'credit for recognizing the in-' consistency between the Declaration of Indepen dence and the Philippine policy of the republican administration. In a recent editorial he speaks of the principle that "all governments exist for the benefit of the governed." One does not have to be learned in the science of government nor far advanced in the knowledge of language to recog nize ' the wide difference between the principle above stated and the self-evident truth that "gov ernments derive their just powers from the con sent of the governed." The principle stated in the' Outlook is one that has been asserted by ev ery, king and potentate who claimed to rule by right divine. A man would be a monster who would defend a government upon any other theory, but while this is .the theory usually put forward in defense of monarchies and aristocracies, the all important question is, Who shall decide what is for. the "benefit of the governed?" Shall this, question be decided by a king, or by a few, or shall it be decided by the people themselves? The trouble with one who rules by arbitrary power is that ho insists upon deciding what government is beat for his subjects, and then he insists upon shooting them if they do not agree with him in regard to the merits of the government which ho proposes, and -under which they must live. The whole difference between a government resting upon force and a government resting up the con-" sent of the governed is involved in the difference betweon the Outlook's idea of government and the theory- of government set forth in the Declaration of Independence. . Jefferson defended-the view embodied in the Declaration of Independence. In his first' In augural message he sad: "Sometimes it is said that man cannot be trusted with the government of himself. Can he then be trusted with the gov ernment of others, or have wo found angels in the form of kings to govern him?" Lincoln an nounced the same doctrine when he said that God never made a man good enough to govern an other man without the other man's consent. It behooves us to analyze the principles which Underlie imperialistic policies, and when those principles are understood they will be found to be not new ones just discovered, but the old and blood-stained ones, trampled under the feet of the soldiers who enlisted under the banner of Wash ington. 'J J Why Not State of Jefferson Why is there so. much delay in admitting tho territories? The republicans have in two cam paigns pledged themselves unequivocally to the admission of the territories, and yet they seem more interested in ship subsidy bills and other measures that they dared not specifically indorse, than In the measures which they so strongly advo cated. Arizona, New Mexico and Oklahoma, including the Indian Territory, are ready for admission. It is to be hoped that the controversy over single or double statehood will not prevent the admission of Oklahoma. If Oklahoma and the Indian territory cannot agree upon a jaame, why not drop "Indian Tirrlfrtr-vif.arid.. ; "OfclDmkadlJifi4ltfei(fllth iianie i 3 "Jefferson" for both? The state of Ind iana preserves the Indian name, and tho name of Oklahoma can be preserved in some local way. The land embraced in the Indian and Oklahoma territories is the last of the Louisiana Purchase to be. incorporated into a state. It would be a fitting tribute to Jefferson to thus give his name to a part of the territory purchased under his ad ministration. It would probably require a year for the necessary formalities, so that the admis sion of the state and the adoption of the name would be a fitting celebration of the one hundredth anniversary of the purchase of the great trans Mississippi region. Washington's name has already been given to a state, and Jefferon stands next to Washington among the presidents and beside him in services rendered to the American people. JJJ ; Is Mr. Babcock a Deserter? Republican circles are considerably agitated these days because of the proposition made by Congressman Babcock, a republican member, that the products of trusts be placed on the free list. In spite of the fact that the republican party has made a very consistent record as a high protective organization, the fact remains that Mr. Babcock has eminent republican authority for the position he takes. On October 15, 1888, John Sherman, then a United States senator, in a speech delivered ri the senate, said: "Whenever this free competi tion is evaded, or avoided by combinations of in dividuals or corporations, the duties should be reduced and foreign competition invited." On August 26, 1890, Senator Plumb of Kansas, in a speech delivered against the then pending tar iff bill, said: "There are dozens of lines of manu factures covered by the terms of this bill which are controlled by trusts. I do not know of ' any better way to start in, at least to reduce ihe exactions of the trusts, than to cut down the sholter behind which trusts aro created." The late Governor Mount of Indiana, in De cember, 1899, in a public speech said: "I emphat ically favor removing all tariff protection from every industry that belongs to a combination formed in restraint of trade." In 1899, whon tho papor trust was bearing heavily upon newspaper publishers, republican newspapers throughout tho country declared that if tho paper trust did not becomo less exacting, republi can newspapers would insist upon tho removal of the tariff duties by which tho paper trust found It possible to impose upon tho nowspaper publishers. It may occur to republican newspapers that, after all, Congressman B'abcock may have high repub lican authority for tho position he now takes. Probably some republican newspapers and republi can statesmen will repudiate their former utter ances in order that they may make it appear that Mr. Babcock Is a traitor to his party. As a matter of fact, Mr, Babcock, in his atti tude upon the trust .question, stands on the demo cratic platform as adopted at Kansas City In 1900. That platform declared, "Tariff laws should be amended by putting the products of trusts upon the free list, to prevent monopoly under tho plea df protection." It need not be expected, however, that the republican party will adopt Mr. Babcock'8 plan, because to do so would bo an IndorsQmfnfr- o'fyfcbKanSM GJ typlatf orm ; butand " th.UfriiF? , mimok imp?brtant--reasonth a'doftfolWf 'W' ' Babcock plan would mean the destruction of con siderable advantage which certain trusts now enjoy. JJJ The Nicaraguan Canal. . The Nicaraguan canal bill passed the' house January 9 by a vote of 308 to 2. Although but two votes were cast against tho measure, it was evi dent that there was considerable opposition be cause of the various amendments proposed dur ing the bill's consideration. For instance, the proposition that the president bo empowered, if, in his judgment it seemed best, to purchase and complete the Panama route, providing the same could 'be purchased for $40,000,000, received 102 votes, 170 votes being cast in the negative. Mr. Cannon of Illinois led the fight In favor of ttfo Panama route, or rather, against the bill Itself; and yet, on the final proposition as to the passage 6i the bill, Mr. Fletcher, a republican member" from Minnesota, and Mr. Lassiter, a democratic me'mber from Virginia, were the only members voting' against the measure. It is to be hoped that the senate will, without unnecessary delay; pass the Nicaraguan bill. It Is Important that the" construction work on this great enterprise be com menced as soon as possible. It is true that the eleventh hour offer of ' the' Panama canal people may persuade" some to the notion that, "all "things considered," the Panama route would be the bet ter oner butv those who have no particular reason aside from the question of public interest for pre ferring one route over the other, will find it diffi- cult to escape the conclusion that, however disin terested the offer of the Panama people may be with respect to the primary question of the ca nal's prompt construction, there are some inter ests that would take advantage of this late-day offer to delay the building' of any canal across the .isthmus. ' Senator Hanna, for instance, is; by tho - .fl