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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 10, 1902)
2 fr M te? & he had loaned. The republican state convention met beforo his parole expired and adopted a res olution demanding that he bo returned to the peni tentiary, and the governor immediately complied with the resolution. Mr. Bartley returned no money during his freedom. Soon after his return to the penitentiary ho made known the fact th.it Mr. Goold, the republican candidate for regent of the stato university, who voted his delegation for the resolution C imanding the ex-treasurer's reim prisonment, 'Was one of the men who borrowed stato monoy and failed to return it. This an nouncement .caused a Bensation and was followed by the withdrawal of Mr. Goold from the ticket. The election resulted in a republican victory, and in less than three months after the election the governor, who was rebuked before the elec tion for giving Bartley a two months' . parole, fjves him a completa pardon. If Mr. Bartley and his family were the only persons interested there would be unanimous ac quiescence in the governor's act, for no one can And real pleasure in the punishment of another, even though that punishment is well deserved. Every one sympathizes with the wife and the chillrtti of a man who is paying the penalty, how over just, for a crime committed, but citizens can not afford to consider the question from a personal standpoint, neither can they allow sympathy to -cc.ntrol their judgment in such case3. There are many men in the penitentiary who could be dis charged with reasonable certainty that they would not commit again the act for which they were in carcerated; there are many women who are sadly waiting for the return of their husbands, and many" children whom a penitentiary deprives of a fath ers care. If; the appeals of all these were listened to, the prisons would soon be empty. Why are they denied pardon? Because they lack the politi cal, financial and social influence hat Mr. Bartley could summon. They cannot secure a petition or nnmontod by the names"ofpromlnent men, there fore they mustistill c-. lure, the rigors- of prison life. We must consider the effect of such pardons on .society,- and what is that effect? Evidently it is to rnfako the mass of the people feel that offenses against society are measured, not by the degree of criminality involved, but by the prominence and influence of the offender. There is such a thing as a sense of justice, and this is violated when :2 heavy, punishment is visited upon a crime when committed by persons of one class and a comp... atively light punishment visited upon the same crime when committed by persons of a different class. It is not necessary to argue that the Bart-' ley pardon was given in order to shield the per sons who contributed to the defalcation by a fail ure to return state money; it is not necessary to omphasizo the fact that the pardon was granted after the election rather than before, nor is it nec essary to speculate as to the present feelings or future conduct of those republicans who only a few months ago virtuously condemned even a parol. The serious phase" of this question is to be fcund'in its demoralizing influence upon society. It is a matter to be regretted by democrats as well as republicans for all are interested in the state's reputation and in tho welfare of the common--wealth that the governor of Nebraska yielded to entreaty and violated the sound doctrino em bodied la the motto of the state. Responsibility for Anarchy. " When congress is calle.d upon to consider measures .aimed- at the suppression of anarchy there will probably be some discussion of the cuuses which produce anarchy, and if the republi can members of congress follow the example set by republican editors, they will attempt to place upon tho democratic party responsibility for re cent manifestations of the anarchistic spirit in the United States. If such a chanre is mnrio 'if M The Commoner.. must" not only bo met by tho democrats, but it . should be met with arguments which will show that the real cause of anarchy is to be found In republican policies rather than in democratic speeches. Republican papers are in the habit of charg ing the democrats with rousing passions and stir ring up hatred, malice and envy. Anarchy is a protest against all forms of government, and no democrat has said anything or done anything to give encouragement to that 'doctrine. The demo crats believe in government, and they show thoir love of government by trying to so improve it that it "will command the confidence of all the people. The physician who suggests rules for health and applies restoratives in sickness Is a better friend than the one who v encourages dissipation and scoffs at the approach of disease. Republican papers are in the habit of charging democrats with stirring up class prejudice and hatred. This would be a serious charge if founded upon fact, and it raises the question: Is it wrong to criticise a public official, or to point out the evil effects Of a policy? If so, how is a reform to be accomplished? Must we assume that the-president not only can do no wrong, but can make no mistake? When the Wilson bill was passed re publican papers all over the country claimed that, mills were closed, that men were thrown out of employment, and that destitution and starvation were brought to tens of thousands of people. If some man out of work had taken a notion to kill tho author of the bill, the congressmen and 'sena tors who voted for it, ot the president who per mitted'' it to be'edme' a law and then enforced ita provision would the "republican editors have been morally responsible for the assassination? , The republic-- newspapers and speakers charged that the panic of 1893 was due to the agita tion.,of the money question. That panic broke up b.usiness men, suspended enterprises and., largely increased the necessity for cLarity. If some one who suffered by the panic had undertaken to ; avenge himself by killing the advocates of bi metallism, would the "republican editors have been morally responsible for the act? The New York Sun recently declared that the overthrow of the trusts would cause terrible in dustrial disasters and the same charge has been made by other .republican papers. Suppose some man who has faith in the judgment of the editor of the Sun undertakes to prevent the predicted cal amity by killing the men who are trying to ex terminate the trusts, will the Sun be responsible for the act? No rule is sound which is not of gen eral application. If the democrats must abstain from criticism for fear some ignorant or vicious man may resort to force Instead of the ballot to correct the wrong, the rule must apply to republican-: as well, and we must suspend entirely the discussion of questions. The republicans say that the democrats attempt to array clas3 against class. In the first place this is untrue in tho sense in which the republicans use the term, and in the second place every editor who makes this charge is more guilty than those whom he accuses. The republicans coined tho phrases, "home industries" and "infant industries;" thry hjive appealed to the manufacturers as a class and collected large campaign funds from them on the ground that they are specially interested in republican policies. They have constantly ar rayed the interests, of one-portion of the popula tion against the interests of another portion. In 1896 they charged that the mine owners "were seeking to secure an advantage at the expanse of tho rest of the people, and they asserted th.it debtors wore trying to get out of debt by the use of cheap dollars; they excited the fears of bank ers; they frightened depositors; they coerced em ployes. They never hesitated to. attack any class Qr any portion of tho country that opposed repub lican policies. In the campaign of 1900 thay ":.'. claimed credit for better ' times, antf said that a panic would follow a change In administration". When they appealed to the religiously inclined, they represented imperialism as a divinely ap pointed chance for missionary Enterprise. When they appealed to the commercially inclined, they represented it as a profitable venture, 'and to thGse with an ambition for office they held out the pos sibilities of foreign service. They have never hes itated 'to tickle the palate of the tax-eater with promises of rich reward, and yet they complain if tho attention of -the taxpayer is called to the fact that he must pay the bill. The republican cditovg cannot point to a word spoken or an act done by those who believe in democratic doctrines which has not more than its counterpart in the constant practice of republicans. . But while we are investigating the question of responsibility let us consider whether the republi-' cans are not morally responsible for the growth of anarchy. Anarchy is not indigenous to American soil; it is of foreign origin and culture. It is the outgrowth of conditions which to the anarchists seem unchangeable. Arbitrary power suppresses all God-given instincts and arouses a resentment that always follows the disregard of natural jus tice. It has been the boast of our government that It differed from the governments of Europe in that 11 rested upon the consent of the governed. Any thing which tends to obliterate or lessen this dis tii.'ction cannot but create here the conditions out of which anarchy grows. In Europe there are classes separated by birth. Some are born to rule, others are born into tho aristocracy, while the masses are born to serve. These artificial . distinctions naturally excite a hatred which, when long suppressed, bursts forth into hostility to. the government which recognizes and enforces these distinctions. The creation of artificial distinctions in this country .tends to create tho same conditions, and the republican party has done more than all other parlies com bined to separate tho people into classes. It is as sumed that only the manufacturers are capable of deciding on the tariff question and the tariff law of- 1890 was, according to the testimony of a United States senator, written by the beneficiaries of the tariff. It is contended that only ttio finan ciers are competent to legislate on the financial question, and that only business men have a real and vital interest in good government. Trust mas nates are allowed to select the attorney general and corporations often have a controlling influence in the appointments of judges and in the action of United States scators. The individual who is driven into bankruptcy by a great monopoly and then sees the beneficiaries of that monopoly prominent in society. In politics and in the councils of the nation, is in excellent condition to listen to the theories of the anarchist. Government is a great blessing when, it is admin istered with justice, but it appsars as an unspeak able evil to the helpless citizen who is forbidden by law to avenge his own wrongs and then vainly appeals to the government for protection. The republican party is today engaged in an imperial policy that will do more than all else com bined to cultivate the anarchistic spirit. -.'Those who know what imperialism is in the old country can imagine what it will, bo In this country when fully developed. It m-ins a centralization -of the government, followed by a gradual change which will give more emphasis to the .strength of the government and less to the rights of the. Individual. It also means a lessening of the regard shown f qr liuman life, According to the doctrines of a, re public, life and liberty an priceless; under an 'em pire liberty is measured in dollars and cents, 'and life Is unimpoifnt when it'stands in the wayfcof trade. Wo cannot wage wais of conquest in orcier ti " I ' s t ' Til to ticlp our merchants , without making men a matter of merchandise; we cannot give commercial reasons for the killing ko' the Filipinos without; arousing a discussion as to the relative value of m n -n M m .j A-i l.m 8 tf