3
w
h'-
tration as could well be drawn up. It Is credited to
the Ohio State Journal of September 30, and reads
asT follows:
Two years ago the finance committee of
the Ohio republican state executive committee
prepared and mailed a Jrcular letter, calling
attention to the importance of the state cam
paign that year and stating that voluntary
contributions for the legitimate expenses of
the state committee would be very gladly re
ceived. These letters were mailed to the lead-
" lng republicans throughout the country. Be
cause some of the letters were delivered to
" federal officers within the government build
K ings where they were employed, oyerzealous
- friends of the civil service law contended that
T the law had been thereby violated and brought
- the matter to the attention of the federal
grand jury. The law on this subject forbids
soliciting campaign contributions from any
officer or employe of the United States in any
7 room or building occupied by him in the dis
charge of his official duties, but the grand
' jury very sensibly concluded that it was no
violation of this law to address a letter to a
postmaster, or to any federal officer in a gov-
t eminent building merely for the purpose of
4 informing him he might contribute to the cam
( paign fund if he so desired. Not only was this
letter so carefully worded as to clearly come
-1 within the letter and spirit of the law, but ex
tracts from the law and regulations, includ
ing everything contained therein bearing on
the subject, were also enclosed in every letter
so mailed.
A reporter of the State Journal interviewed
Mr. W. F. Burdell, who is still treasurer of
the finance committee, at his office in the
Board of Trade building, this city, and asked
him if his committee proposed to send out a
similar circular letter this year.
Mr. Burdell replied that he had noticed a
good deal of discussion outside of the commit
tee as to what the committee would do in the
matter, but the finance committee felt it ought
to decide the question for itself. "While the
circular letter sent out two years ago," said
Mr. Burdell, "was clearly not a violation of
the law, and that fact was made plain by the
extracts from the law which accompanied the
letter, yet the committee was subjected to a
great deal of criticism on account of such ac
tion and considerable annoyance resulted.
,Whild the campaign this year is just as im
portant as was the one of two years ago, and
democratic victory this year would be just
as disastrous to the country and just as great
a menace to our present prosperity, and the
expense of running the campaign this year will
be just as large as was the expense two years
ago, it has been decided not to send out such
a circular this year. We believe that republi
cans throughout the country realize the im
portance of this year's campaign in Ohio. A
democratic victory here would bo in the light
of a rebuke to the national and state admin
istrations, and would seem to foreshadow the '
election of a democratic house of representa
tives next year. It would mean that this state
would be redistricted and the number of dem
ocratic congressmen from Ohio largely in
creased. Realizing the importance of this
year's campaign, we feel sure that republicans
all over the country will gladly render their
assistance without waiting for the formality
of a letter from our committee. It is only
necessary they should know that we will be
glad of their help."
JJJ
General Miles on the Canteen.
In his annual report, recently made, General
Miles reviews the canteen question. He points
out that the canteen developed from the amuse
ment room, where enlisted men were provided with
books, papers and games. There they could also
purchase refreshments other than intoxicating
liquors. Finally light wines and beer were
added to the canteen.
Referring to the act of congress which pro
hibited the sale of intoxicating liquors in the can
teen, General Miles says: "No injury has resulted
thereby, and the law has in the main been ben
eficial." General Miles points out an important fact
;when he says that the army is composed "prin
cipally of young men who have not formed the
habit of using liquors, and "although the majority
of the enlistments actually come In large cities,
as recruiting offices are principally located 'there,
The Commoner.
a large percentage of men come from homes in
the country and small towns and villages In every
part of .the United States1
When the anti-canteen bill was before con
gress, its opponents urged that its passage would
prevent enlistments and increase desertions. Gen
eral Miles declares that this prediction has not
been fulfilled. On this point the general says: -
"Sinco the law was approved February 2,
1901, the recruiting stations have been
thronged with men seeking enlistment for the
service, 25,944 men having enlisted since that
date, and the percentage of desertions is now
far less than in former years. Desertions
most usually occur during the first six months
of enlistment, and a much larger percentage
of enlistments has been made during the last
six months than heretofore. In many cases
the men that have aeaeited belong to a class
whose' presence In tho service was not desir
able under any conditions, and whose real
character was not known at the time of en
listment." It is further pointed out by General Miles
that the anti-canteen rule has been enforced at
West Point and at tho National soldiers' home for
many years, and has produced gratifying' results.
And he adds, "There is no doubt the result of the
present law in its effect upon military garrisons
will also be beneficial."
General Miles supports his assertion that the
anti-canteen law has not caused desertions, by
statistics showing the strength of the army from
1S67 to the present time, with the percentage of
desertions and a comparison between the number
of desertions during the months of April, May and
June for the last three years. These show:
The percentage of desertions in 1867 was
26.7, and in 1871 30.2, the highest In recent
years. From 1871 the desertions decreased to
7.8 per cent in 1875 and then Increased to 9
per cent in 1880, 16.4 per cent in 1882, a gradual
decrease following that year until 1897, when
the percentage of desertions was 2.9. From
189b to 1900, inclusive, the desertions averaged
between 4 and 5 per cent. During the first
six months of the present year tho desertions
amounted to only 1.9 per cent.
JJJ
The Timidity of Capital.
The supreme court of Illinois has sustained
the decision of Judge Thompson, referred to in
The Commoner some months ago, ordering tho
state board of equalization to assess about two
hundred and thirty-five millions of dollars' worth
of property, belonging to twenty-three corpora
tions of Chicago, which had been escaping taxa
tion. And now the corporations are threatening
to leave the state. This is an old dodge and ought
not to deceive any one. Whenever an attempt is
made to compel corporations to deal justly with
the public, we hear a great deal about the timid ity
of capital. Those who are under tho influence of
organized wealth always express fear that capital
will pick Itself up and go somewhere else. That
is the answer made whenever a reduction of the
legal rate of Interest is suggested; the money loan
ers and their advocates always insist that a re
' duction of the rate of Interest will prevent new
capital from coming Into tho state and will drive
old capital out of the state. Whenever an attempt
is made to tax notes and mortgages the same argu
ment is presented; whenever it Is sugested that
railroads and other corporations should pay their
fair share of the taxes the timidity of capital is
at once offered as a reason why they should be
allowed to shirk the burdens of 'government at
the expense of the ordinary citizen. It is about
time that the plain, every-day people should show
some timidity on the subject of taxation. Their
rights will not be respected until they become
as timid and as pugnacious as capital for, strange
to say, capital seems most pugnacious when it Is
charged with being most timid. The producers
of wealth on the farm and in the factory have
patiently borne a tax upon consumption levied for
the benefit of protected manufacturers, a tax
which makes the poor man pay more than his
share and the rich man less than his share. Theso
same wealth-producers have scon tho beneficiaries
of a high tariff strenuously opposing an income
tax, which was intended to equalize to a small ex
tent tho burdens of fedoral taxation; now these
same taxpayers find that tho great corporations
that demand special privileges and advantages
from legislators, local and general, make all sorts
of threats when they are called upon to list their
property for assessment. It is high time for tho
people with small homes and small incomes to
register their protest against inequality In taxa
tion and demand justice at the hands of federal,
state arid local governments.
JJJ 't'
Would it Honor McKinley?
Tho papers are discussing tho suggestion re
cently made that tho name of tho Philippine isl
ands be changed to the McKinloy Islands in honor
of the late president and most of them strongly
oppose the proposition. The Pittsburg Post ex
presses itself as follows:
"The admirers of William McKinloy would do
well to go a little slow in the next congress on tho
proposition to change tho name of tho Philippine
islands, tho historic title that has lasted over three
hundred years, to that of tho McKinloy islands.
It is also proposed to call Luzon Dewey Island, and
name others after tho generals who havo taken
part in the war, so we will have an Otis island, a
Lawton island, and possibly an Alger island and a
Corbin island.
But as to the McKinley proposition, would it
not be well to wait a little while, if the desire is
to honor the president for all time? Tho pro
posed change, the New York Tribune says, "would
link President McKInloy's name with the govern
ment of the country for all time, and also would
be a constant and conspicuous reminder to future
generations throughout the world that It was in
his administration that the republic expanded its
beneficent Influence to the orient and there estab
lished in enduring form its institutions and sys
tems." But is there much likelihood that American
"institutions and systems1' will be established in
tho Philippines for all time, with their "beneficent
influence?" We can hardly say the Philippine
problem has reached the experimental stago in
tho way of civil government. There is a shadowy
frameworlc of civil government, but it is a very
thin bit of veneering over a solid and substantial
exorcise of autocratic and military power. It is true
that the organized resistance and government of
Aguinaldo has passed away, but there are others
who propose to take up his role, and of this we
have had an illustration within a week by tho
slaughter of a company of American veterans on
one of the more southern Islands than Luzon,
which has a large population and the area of tho
state of Ohio. Our generals In command say it is
absurd to think of having a less force than 40,000
American soldiers, with corresponding naval power,
to maintain our hold permanently on the Philip
pines, and the prediction is made, based on a
knowledge of the peculiar qualities of tho Malays,
that we are in for a guerrilla war that may last
for generations. The Dutch have one of tho kind
against the same type of people that has lasted
for over fifty years and requires the services of 50,
000 soldiers.
It may not be wise to attach Mr. McKinley'g
name to a group of far-distant islands the acquisi
tion of which may prove to be the most pro
nounced and costly blunder, in human life and
American money, in the history of the country.
Would it not be better they should retain for tho
present their historic name, borrowed from Philip
II. of Spain, whose characteristics differed widely
from those of President McKinley? At least had
we not better wait until the wisdom of Philippine
expansion has vindicated itself as it has in the ac
quisitions made by Jefferson, Monroe, Polk, Pierce
and Andrew Johnson, which added two-thirds to
the extent of the American union compared with
what it was when our independence was acknowl
edged by Great Britain. The New York Tribune
plea that calling the Philippine Islands the Mc
Kinley islands "would perpetuate the name md
glory of the martyred president and administra
tion" is only a bit of sentimental gush. William
McKinley should be remembered for something
else than Philippine conquest and subjugation.
How would It sound, within the domain of com
mon sense, to call the Transvaal Itobertsland or
the Orange Free State KItchenerland?"