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The King's
Spiritual
Advisers.
Simple It is reported-that the variety
tflister." of titles used for the officers
and professors of different de
grees in the University of Chicago result in so
much confusion and complaint that by general
consent the old fashioned designation of
"mister" is to be employed. Titles do not by
any means make the man or the teacher and it
is not a bad sign when even the professors of
Mr. Rockefeller's famous school return to the
good old fashioned designation of "mister."
When the present King of
England ranked as the Prince
of Wales, one chaplain and
four honorary chaplains looked
out for his religious welfare. Now, as King
of England, this same man is the proud
possessor of sixty-five spiritual guides. .Two
"reverend deans of the Chapel Royal," four
."reverend clerks of the King's Closet," two
"domestic chaplains," fourteen "chaplains in
ordinary," thirty-three "honorary chaplains,"
five "priests in ordinary," and five "honorary
priests in ordinary," these, aggregating sixty
five clergymen, serve as guides, "philosophers
and friends to the king of England on the reli
gious line.
It is difficult to understand why a man di-
vinely appointed to be the ruler of other men
needs so many clergymen to keep him in the
' straight and narrow path.
At all events, if King Edward is not "good"
he will have only himself to blame. Certainly
:iio effort has been spared in the arrangement of
the theological attachment of his court to
' snatch "a brand from the burning."
The Concen
tration
of Wealth.
In 1893 an article appeared in
the Political Science Quarterly
for December, written by
George K. Holmes, from which
a few extracts are here made. His conclusions
are obtained after the most careful investiga
tion and examination of all the reports avail
able and the correctness of his conclusions are
backed up by several pages of statistics. He
says:
.. "Ninety-one per cent of the 12,090,152 families
of the country own no more than 29 per cent of the
wealth, and 9 per cent of the families own about 71
per cent of the wealth."
Further on he says:
"Among the 1,096,265 families in which 71 per
cent of the wealth of the country is concentrated,
there is still a further concentration which may he
indicated by taking account of the wealth of the
very rich. The New York Tribune's list of 4,047
millionaires affords the best basis for this. With
out going into details, the conclusion adopted in
this article is that the 4,047 millionaires are worth
not less than $10,000,000,000 or more than $15,000,
000,000 say $12,000,000,000 or about one-fifth of
the nation's wealth. Wo are now prepared to char
acterize the concentration of wealth in the United
States by stating that 20 per cent of it is owned by
three-hundredths of 1 per cent of the families; 51
per cent by 9 per cent of the families (not includ
ing millionaires) ; 71 per cent by 9 per cent of tne
families (including millionaires), and 29 per cent
by 91 per cent of the families."
"Another writer in the Arena for September,
1897, shows that in 1890 one-half of the wealth
of the country was owned by 125,000 persons.
There is no easy way of ascertaining the exact
wealth of Mr. Rockefeller, but it has been es-
The Boers
Still
Fighting.
The Commoner.
timated by iome as high as $500,000,000.
That it is the greater part of this, no one
doubts. If it is a fact that ho is worth $500,
000,000., there would have been wealth enough
in the United States in 1890 for only 120 men
like Mr. Rockefeller.
James S. Stowe; United States
consul general at Capetown,
recently arrived at London.
In an interview Mr. Stowe
said that the South African problem is un
doubtedly difficult and complicated. In a dip
lomatic way, he pointed out that Great Britain
was having enormous trouble in her efforts to
conquer the Boors, and he did not hold out
much hope for an early termination of the war.
It. is very probable that the world has no
conception of the exact condition of South
Africa. The telegraphic lines are controlled
by the British and it is not at all likely that
they permit anything to pass the censor that is
extremely disadvantageous to the British cause;
but once in a while a bit of real information
creeps out. "
Consul Stowe's interview, although care
fully guarded because of his official position,
tends to corroborate the suspicion that the half
has not been told concerning South African
affairs. It is not difficult to believe that if the
. British ever do conquer the Boors it will be, as
President Kruger said it would be, at "a price
that will stagger humanity."
Attorney General Knox de
clares with well developed
symptoms of anger that he is
not officially aware of the ex
istence of a steel trust. Of course a high
official with place in a presidential cabinet
would not deny anything without being honest
about it. The existence of the steel trust may
be an official secret to Mr. Knox, but its exist
ence certainly is known to the ex-attorney of
the Carnegie corporation who is now Attorney
General in the McKinley cabinet. Perhaps
Mr. Knox is like the South Carolina father
who had so many children he found himself
unable to provide names for all of them. After
the twelfth was born ho had recourse to num
bers, and gave each child a number. When
asked how many children he had the proud
father replied:
"I ain't no good at figures. When I done
run out o names I begin numberin' 'em from
1 up. If I knew how many of 'em had names
I might add up and tell yer."
It is possible that Mr. Knox has been con
nected with so many trusts that he has had re
course to numbering, and the steel trust, being
among the latest, may be without a name in
his mind.
Conmenting upon the address
delivered by Mr. Littlefield at
Do lver, in which he criticised
the insular decisions, the New
York Sun says thai; there is no statutory law
which prevents any American citizen from
doing what Mr. Littlefield did. The Sun in
sists, however, that there is a well defined pro-
Mr. Knox
and the
Steel Trust.
He Can
Stand Such
Criticism.
vision in the code of American humor which
makes it a misdemeanor of the second degree
of ridiculousness for a lawyer, probably a
membor of the Bar of tho Supremo Court, to
stand all alono before the American Bar Asso
ciation and solemnly and on his own hook over
rule tho Supremo Court in so important a mat
ter as that involved in tho insular cases."
If it were true that Mr. Littlefield stood
alono in his position it would be all the more
to his credit that ho dared state his opposition.
Tho fact is, however, that instead of standing
alone, it is very evident that Mr. Littlefield's
position is supported by a considerable major
ity of tho lawyers of the country. The vory
fact that tho issues involved in tho insular
cases are of tho utmost 'importance makes it all
tho more necessary that mon who believe tho
decision to be wholly wrong and destructive
of the very fundamental idea of our govern
ment should enter their protest against such a
construction, even though tho construction
was made by men on the highest bench in
the land.
Notice.
The following notice appeared in tho last
issue of the National Watchman:
Tho last number of Tho National Watchman,
issued July 11, contained an announcement that
commencing September 1 The National Watchman
would, thereafter, appear as a monthly journal of
thirty-six pages instead of a weekly of sixteen
pages. When tho announcement was made it was
our purpose to materially enlarge the scope of tho
paper by introducing new and attractive features
calculated to interest every member of tho family.
It was thought that tho proposed change would
pro 3 acceptable to our readers. But in this we
were drmed to disappointment. Letters have been
received, numbering thousands, from our patrons
in all sections of tho country urging that we re
consider our purpose of discontinuing The Na
tional Watchman as a weekly by converting it into
a monthly publication.
The need of a wcekjy Journal especially de
voted to the discussion of public questions and
national politics was urged with argument and
logic tint seemed to us to be unanswerable. But
on account of the diminished Interest exhibited by
the people at large in questions bearing upon na
tional politics, owing to the fact that a presiden
tial election Is three years distant, The National
Watchman during the present year failed to re
ceive the support necessary to the proper main
tenance of a weekly journal conducted on broad
and comprehensive lines.
Therefore, we are constrained to believe that
the cause of the people, for which The National
Watchman has so zealously worked, will bo best
subserved by merging The National Watchman
with Mr. Bryan's paper, The Commoner, which
comes nearest The National Watchman's idea of
filling the requirements of the times of any paper
published in the nation. To this end arrange
ments have been completed with Mr. Bryan to take
the subscription list of The National Watchman
and send Tne Commoner to all subscribers for the
unexpired period of their subscriptions. Where a
National Watchman subscriber is also a subscriber
to lue Commoner his subscription to The Com
moner will be extended by adding to It the unex
pired portion of his subscription to The National
Watchman. We feel that this arrangement gives
ample protection to all subscribers and we trust
that they will extend to The Commoner the same
confidence' and support which they have given to
The National Watchman.
With a heartfelt appreciation of the endearing
tie that has bound together The National Watch
man and its readers during the years in which they
labored so zealously for the cause of true dem
ocracy, and with a firm and abiding faith in tho
ability of the plain people of America to surmount
all obstacles in the pathway to a complete realiza
tion of a government resting upon the equality of
all men before the law, we bid our friends an af
fectionate farewell and Godspeed.
THE NATIONAL WATCHM'AN.
-SA
O
