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Free For All.
In tho disoussion of possible presidential
candidates some are prono to regard the sec
tional question a's of overshadowing import
ance. Those who live in what are known as
the doubtful states are especially liable to this
error, because they arc naturally willing to fur
nish the candidates. It is not only customary
to look to a few doubtful states to furnish tho
candidates, but it is not uncommon to have
some portions of tho country excluded from
consideration entirely. For years it has been
assumed that a southern man was unavailable,
and a western man almost as much so. New
York, Ohio, Illinois and Indiana have fur
nished to the two leading parties nearly all the
candidates nominated since the civil war. New
York furnished the democratic presidential can
didate in 1808, 1872, 1870, 1880, 1884, 1888, and
1892, and in those campaigns the candidate for
vice-president came from Indiana three times,
from Ohio once, and from Illinois once. From
1808 to 1900 the republican party took its
presidential candidate from Ohio four times,
from Illinois twice, from Indiana twice, and
from Maine once. During that time New.
York has furnished the republican candidate;
for vice-president in five campaigns, Indiana;
once, and New Jersey once. Thus it will be.
seen that a comparatively small section of the;
country has enjoyed a practical monopoly on
candidates.,. This iB an unfortunate condition,
.and one that- cannot be defended by reason.
Candidates should be chosen because they rep
resent principles and because they are deemed
fit to serve the people in the executive office".
Each party should be at liberty to select its
best man, no matter in what state or section he
lives. The race should be free for all, and
then public men everywhere would be stimu
lated to offer themselves. Neither the Atlantic
coast nor the pacific coast should be barred
out, neither the extreme north north nor the
extreme south should be forbidden to offer its
favorite son. The local influence of a nomi-
nation is generally overestimated. State pride
is a nice thing to talk about, but it does not
coimt for much in votes. If a man has quali
ties which make him pdpuku at home, those
samo qualities will make -him popular else
where, but very few men will vote for a politi
cal opponent merely because ho lives in their
state, and what little support he wins in that
way is offset by the partisan fear that his suc
cess may strengthen his party locally. A can
didate's strength comes from the principles and
policies for which he stands the only personal
clement being the confidence that the people
have that he is honest and will faithfully carry
out his platform.
For a quarter of a century tho southern
states have been ignored in the selection of
candidates. The republicans have had but few
white republicans in tho South to chooBo from,
and the democrats of the South have volun
tarily renounced their claims out of fear that
they might embarrass the ticket. Certainly wo
are far enough away from the civil warcer
tainly the passions aroused bv that conflict ar
sufficiently cooled, to permit a southern man
The Commoner.
to -aspire to either the presidency or the vicc
. presidency. Even before the Spanish war
called into the volunteer army both federal and
confederate, the south had earned its right to
bo considered a part of the Union, but surely
tho commingling of tho sons of those who
wore tho blue, and tho sons of thoso who wore
the gray, and their service side by side at San
tiago and at Manila, ought to silenco thoso
' who have thought it unwise to placo a south
ern man on tho ticket. Slavery has gone never
to be restored, and tho democracy, now domi
nant both North and South comes ' nearer to
the ideals of Jefferson and Lincoln than does
the commercialism of Hanna or the imperial
ism of Roosevelt.
It is not time yet to select candidates for
1 904, but when the time arrives, the demo
cratic voters should see to it that the platform
represents their wishes and that the candidates
fit the platform.
If some one living south of the Mason
Dixon line is chosen for either the first or sec
ond position on the ticket, his place of resi
dence will not weaken him not though ho
be an ex-confederate soldier. We are engaged
in a mighty struggle against plutocracy, and
we need the whole nation to pick from when
we select our standard bearers. Merit, not
section, should determine the nomination; fidel
ity to - principle,- not locality, should control.
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Aguinaldo's Offer.
In another column will be found a dispatch
which recently appeared in the New York
World and the St. Louis Post-Dispatch-, de
scribing an offer made by some Filipinos
claiming to represent Aguinaldo.
When Mr. Bryan was in New York he re
ceived a letter from a gentleman saying that
two Filipinos were in the city and desired to
call, but the letter was not read in time to be
answered before tho Filipinos arrived. They
were refused admittance, and a friend was sent
with a verbal answer to the letter explaining
that Mr. Bryan did not think it proper to con
fer with them, and stating that the democratic
party was not opposing imperialism because of
friendliness to the Filipinos but because im-
perialism was dangerous to American institu
tion. The Filipinos said that Aguinaldo was
willing to issue a proclamation promising to
lay down arms in case of Mr. Bryan's election,
and also willing to contribute to the demo
cratic campaign fund, but Mr. Bryan refused
to consider either proposition, and did not re
quire them to furnish any evidence of their
right to represent Aguinaldo or speak for him.
As the matter has been discussed in other
papers, the story and this explanation are given
to the readers of The Commoner.
A " Central Bank."
That interesting magazine called "Money"
has an article entitled "Tho Growing Desire
for a Central Bank." This article refers to the
proposition credited to J. Pierpont Morgan
that a central bank bo established with a capi
tal of $100,000,000. It also refers to the prop
osition credited to Oakley Thome, president of
the North Amcricanrust6"mpany of : ' iJew
York, that there shallbe' esSfcisnefl a. "bank
of banks, in which each bank of the country
could be interested." Commenting on this,
"Money" says:
"While it is not impossible to provide for so
largo a bank under existing laws, it is manifest
that a special act or charter from congress would
be almost a necessity to give the institution the
standing, which it should have. A large capital is
not the only requisite for a successful bank of '
banks; certain corporate powers are also indis
pensable, and its aggregate of operations of all
kinds mu3t be entirely free from any interference
by state laws and plans for state taxation as the
fiscal agency of tho federal government.
"Thus the bank should have such note issuing
powers without the prerequisite of bond deposits
as would enable it to give the country the ample
extra supply of notes required during crop move
ments and authority granted to act as a bank for
rediscount for all other banks, no matter where
located. And for these purposes as well as for
the necessities of international trade, a federal
charter permitting the establishment of branches
vould be necessary; something not possible under
tho present national banking laws."
It is furtner declared by "Money" that with
a federal charter for such a bank there could
be carried on "the two reforms demanded by
the interests of the people of the United States
and their industrial enterprises, viz: the retire
ment of the greenbacks and the abolition of
the truBt system." Such a bank "Money" con
cludes to be necessary because of the changed
business conditions brought about by "the re
cent changes in the status of thV union,, anjL
""its accession of great colonial possessions as
well as the great expansion of national enter
prises." It will be noticed that this magazine does .
not say that "these two great reforms" are de
manded by the people. It says they are de
manded by "the interests of the people and
their industrial enterprises." In other words,
demanded by the "interests of the people" ac
cording to the interpretation made by the fi
nanciers of Wall Street demanded by the "in
dustrial enterprises" operated and controlled
by the trust magnates who believe or pretend
to believe that everything that adds to their
enormous wealth, everything that adds to tTjeir
already great advantages over the public is to
the interests of the people and conforms to the
necessities of "industrial enterprises."
It is interesting to be told by this financial
publication that the proposed great central
bank should be given "note issuing powers
without the. pre-requisite of bond deposits."
This, according to "Money," would enable the
central bank to give the country "an ample ex
tra supply of notes required during crop
movements." This proposition comes from
men representing a class that has always ' con
tended against fiat money. They insist that the
retirement of the greenbacks is essential to ul
timate financial stability. And yet they would
supplant these greenbacks with notes issued by
a great central .bank "without the pre-requisite
of bond deposits." In other words, according
to tjieir reasoning, the greenback issued directly
by the government, redeemable according to
the government's policy in gold, is not sound
money, but notes issued by a great central bank
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