www
r
;1
of millions of dollar's a day to our national debt, I
did not caro about encouraging' the increase in the
volume of our precious metals. We had the country
to save first. But now that the rebellion is over
thrown, and wo know pretty nearly the amount of
our national debt, the more gold and silver we mine,
we make the payment of that debt so much the easier.
It will be seen from the above that Mr. Lin
coln held to the quantitative theory of money
a theory denied by the republicans in the cam
paign of '96. It will also be seen that he was
willing to make the payment of the national
debt easier by increasing the amount of money;
while Mr. Cleveland tried to make the debt hard
er to pay by decreasing the volume of money.
; On the subject of paper money also the
silver republicans are in lino with the early states
men and opposed to the latter day policies of Mr.
Cleveland and the republican leaders. Jefferson
was opposed to banks of issue, stato or national;
Jackson made the greater part of his reputation
by his fight against the recharter of the national
bank; and Lincoln signed the bill which provid
ed for the greenback. Jefferson considered the
issue of paper money a function of govern
ment and insisted that the banks should go out
the business of governing. Mr. Cleveland con
siders the issue of paper money a function of
loanks and believes that the government should
go out of the business of banking.
Lincoln assisted in establishing the national
bank in order to furnish a market for govern
ment bonds during the war; now the republicans
are retiring the greenbacks in order to give the
banks a chance to issue more paper money.
I Senator Teller, Senator Dubois, Ex-Senator
Towne and the other silver republicans are
adhering to doctrine which in former times was
republican as well as democratic. The republi
can leaders and gold democrats are the revolu
tionists. Light in the East.
The New York Post, a very conservative pa
per and until recent years a supporter of those
who have aided the overgrown corporations and
permitted the domination of politics by organized
wealth, now realizes the dangerous tendency of
republican policies. In discussing President
lladley's appeal for the creation of a healthy pub
lic sentiment against trusts, it says:
In mere appeal to the moderation and forbear
ance of the man who 1ms made himself unlawfully
rich, and who has it in his power to prey upon the
community, we confess that we see little hope. When
was it the characteristic of power to be moderate?
When will greed admit itself satisfied? When did a
vulgarized society, drunk with wealth and mad with
the competition in ostentation, ever long ostracise a
man whose millions can minister to its sybaritic de
lights? Ask Dr. Huntington, whose Lenten sermon
yesterday in Grace church was also a prophet note,
piercing to the recesses of the vice that flaunts itself
in Fifth Avenue, though really as foul as any that
lurks festering in the city's lowest purlieus. We are,
in truth, living in a time when we can hear little but
the jingle of Mie guinea. It is the ugly side of our
prosperity. Wo have gone over frankly from the
standards of General Gordon to the standards of Cecil
Rhodes. Rhodes once asked Goi'don if it was true
that the Chinese Emperor had offered him, and he
had refused, a room full of gold after the suppression
of the Tai Ping rebellion. It was so, Gordon said,
and he asked Cecil Rhodes whether he would have
accepted it. "I would have taken it," replied Rhodes,
'and as many more roornfuls as. Ihey would give m,.
The Commoner.
It is of no use having big ideas if you have not the
cash to carry them out," That is the spot upon which
our prophets must strike the hand to show where wo
"ail"; and until we discover that honor and truth and
purity and sol f-sacri flee and public service are also
"big ideas," we shall not make much headway against
the prevailing apotheosis of brute wealth.
The Post is correct in arguing that an appeal
to the conscience of those who are the benefi
ciaries of trusts and imperialism is of little use, but
there is still time left to appeal to the great ma
jority of the people who are the victims of the
policies for which the republican party stands.
The people have nothing to hope for from those
who are entrenched behind special privileges and
who are enjoying (if it may be called enjoyment)
the fruits of industrial and political despotism.
Neither has society anything to hope for from the
venal whose votes can bo purchased, nor from tho
paupers who rely upon the benefactions of tho
rich. The great middle classes the common
people, if you please must apply the remedy.
An appeal can be made to their interests as well
as to their conscience, and it behooves ovory pa
triotic citizen to study the ponding problems and
lend his influence to the restoration of better laws
and higher ideals. Light is breaking in tho east,
and none too soon.
Mr. Wu on Civilization,
Mr. Wu, tho Chinese minister, recently deliv
ered an address in Chicago. Mr. Wu is one of
the ablest of all the foreigners sojourning in
Washington City, and on the ocoasion of his Chica
go address made a vigorous defense of his people.
" Chinese ways," said Mr. Wu, "are not nec
essarily bad ways because they seem strange to
western eyes." That is a truth well put.
Mr. Wu also said "The Chinese naturally feel
that they are in a better position to judge what is
best for their own interests and welfare than any
outsider can be." It would be difficult to avoid
the logic of this statement.
Mr. Wu rather touched the vanity of his audi
ence and probably astonished some of his hearers,
when in referring to the general impression that
the Chinese people are not civilized, he said,
"Long before the ancestors of tho people of tho
west ceased to be naked savages, the Chinese peo
ple had already known the use of the compass and
the art of printing."
Mr. Wu gave an interesting dissertation on
civilization when he said:
It must be admitted that today China is centuries
behind the age in her knowledge of chemistry, elec
tricity, steam navigation, rapid transit, and other arts
and sciences But does civilization consist of
railroads, telegraphs, telephones, electric lights, bat
tleships, rapid-firing guns, magazine rifles, and a
thousand other things which are often regarded as
necessary for a progressive nation? Civili
zation has, I believe, a broader meaning, with intelli
gence, order, morality, and refinement for its essen
tial elements. Such a civilization China undoubtedly
has a civilization different, to bo sure, from that of
the west, but a civilization nevertheless.
It must be admitted that Mr. Wu stated an
exact truth. "Civilization" does" not consist
"of railroads, telegraphs, telephones and a thou
sand other things which are often regarded as
necessary for a progressive nation." "Intelli
gence, order, morality and refinement for its es
sential elements" have a place in any civilization
worthy of the name.
When Mr. Wu said that the civilization of
China was different, to be sure, from that of onr
own, it was difficult to avoid the suspicion that
tho shrowd Chinese minister had in mind some re
cent happenings in this country.
It will be remembered that soon after one of
tho instances when wo burned a human being at
tho stake, a newspaper reporter asked Mr. Wu
what he had to say concerning tho "episode."
Mr. Wu replied, "I am not prepared to say any
thing on that subject. That seems to bo a pecu
liarly American custom. Wo do not burn peoplo
at tho stako in China."
"This is Not a Republic."
A London dispatch says that 'a few hours be
fore the reception of a recent deputation, King Ed
ward YII asked tho Lord Chamberlain what dress
they would wear. "Frock coats, your Majesty,"
replied tho Lord Chamberlain. "For tho last
time then," said King Edward, "in tho future,
uniform or court dress must bo worn. This is
not a republic."
If tho representatives of a republic were as
jealous of tho Jeffersonian simplicity which should
characterize a republic as the King of England
is of tho trappings of a monarchy, tho crowned
and tho uncrowned, the monarchist and tho re
publican, would have a more profound respect for
republics and their pretensions than they now do.
W
The Forest Monument.
A committee has been appointed at Memphis,
Tenn., with Maj. E. J. Black as chairman, to so
licit subscriptions for tho erection of a monument
in that city in honor of General Nathan Bedford
Forrest. It is expected that the cornerstone
will be laid during tho May reunion. The com
mittee announces that "money, stone, or marble"
will be accepted. Subscriptions should be sent
to tho Ladies' Memorial Association or to the For
rest Monument Association. Tho appeal is ad
dressed to "all confederate soldiers, corps, bivou
acs and other individuals and associations." -An
immediate response is desired.
Easter.
By W. M. riaiipln.
Christ is risen! Sing rejoicing;
Happy hearts their glad thanks voicing.
From the tomb the stone is rolled.
Lilies bring, for Christ is risen;
Conquered is death's gloomy pribon.
In glad song let it be told
That no longer tomb can hold
Him who looks to God and lives
And to God his tribute gives.
Christ is risen! Bells are pealing;
Flowers their rich blooms are revealing,
Born anew from winter's breath.
Emblems they of resurrection
From the grave to rich perfection;
And their softly perfum'd breath
Incense bears to him who saith:.
"Come, all ye who burdens bear;
Come, and life immortal share."
Christ is risen! Tell the story
Of the change from death to glory!
Bring ye lilies of the field.
While to Him fair tribute bringing
Songs of love and hope be singing.
To His sway let mankind yield;
In His strength find help and shield,
At the end lay burden down
And receive from Him life's crown.