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vigorous organization, feared by its enemies and
inspiring the active devotion of its rank and file, it
'must first, of all things, itself become truly, honestly
and consistently democratic.
Your very truly,
Ghovkh Cleveland.
Princeton, N. J.
Uis advice is so general and indefinite as to
bo utterly useless. All democrats beliovo that
democratic principles sliould bo applied to pres
ent probloms, but as tho Kansas City platform
applies democratic principles to present problems,
why uso tho words "return" and "old?" Mr.
Cleveland and his political associates are long on
ambiguous and high sounding phrases, but short
on definitions; thoy are oracular only in tho sense
that their words can be construed to mean any
thing or nothing.
If Mr. Cleveland's recent admonition had
boon spoken instead of written, it might have
been' explained by a wink or by a gesture suggesting
that he himself was tho embodiment of the prin
ciples to which tho party should return, but
when tho words appear in cold typo thoy require
'a key.
Tho President 1i:ib twice referred to the "rank
and file" recently, as if ho would assooiate him
self with those who aro accused of separating the
common people from tho uncommon ones. Since
Tins Commoner circulates almost exclusively
among "tho rank and file," it seems proper that
jthis paper should give tho distinguished ex
idomocrat an opportunity to suggest plans and
ppecmeatious ior a democratic structure which
iwould bo commodious enough to afford a place
of refuge for him and at the same time allow
standing room for real democrats.
A reward, theroforo, of fivo dollars is offered
for a written statement, not to exceed five hund
red words, signed by Mr. Cleveland, applying
democratic principles, as he understands them, to
iat,leasjb five of tho questions now before tho
icountry. Tho offer is open to him or to any one
who can secure such a statement from him. If
ithe statement does not cover five questions, a pro
portionate reward of one dollar will bo given for
each question covered.
An additional reward of one dollar will bo
given for a written statement, signed "by Mr.
(Cleveland, explaining why he considered his opin
Jion on public questions as of no importance during
jtho recent campaign, but regards such opinion as
important now. When tho battle was on between
a republic and an empire between a democracy
and a plutooracy between bimetalism and mono
.metalism ho refused to say a word or lift a hand
in behalf of "the rank and filo" for whom he now
expresses such an affectionate solicitude. He
know that a republican victory meant an endorse
ment of an imperial policy, with its wars of con
quest; ho now that it meant trust domination and
the reign of monopoly, as well as a commendation
of a financial policy never approved by a demo
cratic national convention, and yet ho remained
silent. As soon as the election was over, he camo
forth from his seclusion and made the air vocal
with his suggestions.
Assuming to bo inspired by a purer democracy
and boasting of a superior virtue, ho began to of
jfor unsolicited advice to tho party to which ho
once belonged. Ho is liko the soldier who was
.described as "invisible in war and invincible in
ipeaco." To desertion of the party organization
,and betrayal of tho principles of the party, ho
(adds ostentatious pretence of interest in the plain
jpeople, while ho conceals his ideas in ponderous
kand platitudinous phrases. If ho will clearly and
candidly define the democratic principles about
The Commoner.
which ho is so prone to talk, the people can de
cide for themselves whether he is the same Mr.
Cleveland who turned tho treasury over to a for
eign financial syndicate-and intrusted J. Picrpont
Morgan with tho combination of tho government
vaults, and then supported tho republican ticket
because his administration was not endorsed-
the same Mr. Cleveland who denounced trusts in
his messages but failed to enforce the law against
them the same Mr. Cleveland who condemned
imperialism and then gave passive support to an
imperialistic president, or whether he has repented
of his folly and is ready to accept the democratic
creed.
The Canal Treaty.
The Nicaraugua canal treaty has been rejected
by Great Britain. While several minor reasons
arc advanced for the rejection, Great Britain's re
fusal to give sanction to this agreement is largely
based on the amendment similar to tho one so
vigorously urged by the late Senator Cushman K.
Davis, which provided that the United States
would have tho right to "defend" the canal, or
to fortify it during the timo of war. This action
disposes of this question until the next session of
Congress, unless, in the meantime, Secretary Hay
shall conclude to frame another proposed treaty
in tho interests of Great Britain.
But the question is likely to be a full fledged
one at the next session of congress. Senator"
Morgan of Alabama, commenting on Great Brit
ain's rejection of the proposed treaty, unquestion
ably voices tho American sentiment when he says:
"We shall proceed quietly to construct, own and
control the canal, and Great Britain will be left
to make her objections in such form as she may
chooso." Senator Morgan refers to the compact
made between tho "United States and the repub
lics of Nicaraugua and Costa Rica in December,
1900. He points out that that compact gave the
United States canal rights, and was made "delib
erately and with full knowledge that it was in dia
metric opposition to the Clayton-Bulwer treaty."
Senator Morgan say 6:
Great Britain and the United States had agreed to
the same declarations in the Hay-Pauncefote treaty,
and, in conformity therewith, had agreed to silence
any objections that might arise out of the Clayton
Bulwer treaty to the exclusive ownership and control
of tho Nicaragua canal by the United States.
Great Britain did not urge any objections, but re
ferred to them as being possible only, and consented
to remove them. Iler honorable course at that timo
may not continue to animate her conduct under the
reign of King Edward, but she must be aware that a
covert threat of displeasure at our executing our
agreements with Costa Rica and Nicaragua will lose its
moral force and its power to alarm the United States
into fit of paralysis. Those agreements, upon which
the whole question of tho canal now hinges, will bo
carried out, in harmony with the undivided sentiment
of the American people.
If the conclusion that Great Britain is alleged to
have reached had been notified to the Senate ten days
ago,tho Hepburn bill would now be the law of the land.
All delay is to the advantage of Great Britain and to
our terrible disadvantage, but she has gained another
year on us. I hope it will be tho last. We contem
plate no breach of the peace or of good feeling be
cause we shall do, under our agreement with Costa
Kica and Nicaragua, what we have agreed to do, as
those agreements are in line with the treaty" of Con
stantinople, to which all Europe assents.
The President has taken his stand on this ques
tion and the true American doctrine is announced in
our agreements with the two American republics It
is not conceivable that tho President or the people
will abandon what has been thus established.
W
Commissioner Gray's Protest.
The injunction of seoreoy has lately been re
moved from senate document 148 (56th Con
gress, 2nd. session,) and tho public have been
permitted to review tho correspondence which
took place between the administration and tho
Peace Commissioners during the negotiaton of
tho Paris treaty. The report is so lengthy that
it cannot be given in full, but tho readers of The
Commoner can doubless secure it from their Sen
ators or members of Congress. A perusal of the
instructions of the President and the opinions of
the various commissioners will reveal the fact
that tho President and the President alone was
responsible for the treaty. Not only was he re
sponsible for the treaty, but ho assumed the re
sponsibility with a full knowledge that ho was
violating American principles and the govern
ment's promises.
On page thirty-four of the report will be
found a remarkable communication in the nature
of a protest, cabled from Paris by Hon. George
Gray, a member of the commission. Whether the
present trend toward empire and conquest con
tinues until our form of government is changed,
or whether tho people bestir themselves and res
cue the nation from its perilous course, the words
of warning uttered by Mr. Gray merit attention
and commendation. After reading this communi
cation from one of his own appointees, the presi
dent could not excuse himself by saying that he
sinned without light.
Mr. Gray's cablegram reads as follows:
(3) Tho undersigned cannot agree that it is wise
to take Philippine Islands in whole or in part. To
do so would bo to reverse accepted continental policy
of the country, declared and acted upon throughout
our history. Propinquity governs the case of Cuba
and Porto Rico. Policy proposed introduces us into
European politics and tho entangling alliances
against which Washington and all American states
men have protested. It will make necessary a navy
equal to largest of powers; a greatly increased mili
tary establishment; immense sums for fortification
and harbors: multiply occasions "for dangerous com
plications with foreign nations, and increase burdens
with taxation. Will receive in compensation no outlet
for American labor in labor market already over-crowded
and cheap; no area for homes for American citizens;
climate and social condition demoralizing to charac
ter of American youth; new and disturbing questions
introduced into our politics; church question me
nacing. On whole, instead of indemnity injury.
The undersigned cannot agree that any obliga
tion incurred to insurgents is paramount to our own
manifest interests. Attacked Manila as part of legit
imate war against Spain. If wo had captured Cadiz
and Carlists had helped us, would not owe duty to
stay by them at tho conclusion of war. On the con
trary, interests and duty would require us to abandon
both Manila and Cadiz. No place for colonial "admin
istration or government of subject people in Ameri
can system. So much from standpoint of interest;'
but even conceding all benefits claimed for annexa
tion, we thereby, abandon the infinitely greater bene-
fit to accrue from acting the part of a great, power-'
ful, Christain nation; we exchange the moral gran
deur and strength to be gained by keeping our word!
to nations of the world and by exhibiting a magnan-j
imity and moderation in the hour of victory that be-l
comes tho advanced civilization wo claim, for doubt
ful material advantages and shameful stepping down
from high moral position boastfully assumed. Wo
should set example in these respects, not follow in
tho selfish and vulgar greed for territory which Eu
rope has inherited from modioval times. Our declar
ation of war upon Spain was accompanied by a sol
emn and doliborato definition of our purpose. Now
that we have achieved all and more than our object,
let us simply keep our word. Third article of tho.
protocol leaves everything concerning the control oJJ
the Philippine Islands to negotiation between the
parties.
It is now absurd to say that- we will not" negotiate
but will appropriate the whole subject-matter of ne-j
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