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Justice to Cuba
Congress lias declared that the relations to ex
ist between Cuba and the United States shall bo
according to the terras of the amendment to the
army appropriation bill, which reads aB follows:
That in fulfillment of the declaration contained in
tho joint resolution approved April 20, 1808, entitled
'For tho recognition of tho independence of tho peo
ple of Cuba, demanding that the government of Spain
relinquish its authority and government in tho island
of Cuba and to withdraw its land and naval forces from
Cuba and Cuban waters and directing tho president of
tho United Statos to use tho land and naval forces of
the United States to carry these resolutions into
effect," the president is hereby authorized to leave
the government and control of tho island of Cuba to
its people so soon as a government shall have been
established in said island under a constitution, which
either as a part thoreof, or in an ordiance appended
thereto, Bhall defino tho future relations of the Unit
ed! States with Cuba, substantially as follows:
1. That tho government of Cuba shall never en
ter into any treaty or other compact with any foreign
power or powers which will impair or tend to im
pair tho independence of Cuba, nor in any manner
authorize or permit any foreign power or powers to
obtain by colonization for military or naval purposes
or otherwise, lodgment in or control over any por
tion of said island.
2. That said government shall not assume or con
tract any public debt, to pay tho interest upon which
and to make reasonable sinking fund provision for the
ultimate discharge of which tho ordinary revenues of
tho islands, after defraying tho current expenses of
government, shall bo inadequate.
3. Th&fc tho government of Cuba consents that
the United States may exercise the right to intervene
for tho preservation of Cuban indopendence,the main
tenance of a government adequ'ate for the protection
of life, property and individual liberty, and for dis
charging tho obligations with respect to Cuba im
posed by tho treaty of Paris on the United States, now
to bo assumed and undertaken by the government of
Cuba.
4. That all acts of tho United States in Cnba
during its military occupancy thoreof are ratified and
validated and all lawful rights acquired thereunder
shall be1 maintained and protected.
5. That tho government of Cuba will exe
cute, and as far as necessary extend the plans already
devised or other plans to bo mutually agreed upon,
for the situation of the cities of the island, to tho end
that a recurrence of epidemics and infectious diseases
may bo prevented, thereby assuring protection to the
people and commerce of Cuba as well as to the com
merce of southern ports of the United States and the
people residing therein.
0. That tho Isle of Pines shall be omitted from
the proposed constitutional boundaries of Cuba, the
title thereto being left to future adjustment by treaty.
7. That to enable tho United States to main
tain tho independence of- Cuba, and to protect the
people thereof, as well as for its own defense, the
government of Cuba will sell or lease to tho United
States lands necessary for coaling or naval stations
at certain specified points, to be agreed upon with
the president of tho United States.
8. That by way of further assurance the govern
ment of Cuba will embody the foregoing provisions
in a permanent treaty with the United States.
Although, considerable ingenuity was dis
played in tho preparation of this araondmen t, it is
confessedly a complete repudiation of the pledge
made by tho United States government iu'the war
resolutions. The preamble of this amendment
declares " Tho President is hereby authorized to
leave tho government and control of the Island of
Cuba to its people so soon as a government shall
have been established in said island under a con
stitution," containing certain things specified in
this amendment. This preamble' also declares
The Commoner.
that this is in fulfillment of the war resolution.
It will bo remembered that in the war resolu
tions the United States expressly disclaimed any
intention or disposition to exercise "sovereignty,
jurisdiction or control over the Island of Cuba ex
cept for tho pacification thereof," and when that
was accomplished "to leave the government and
control of the island to its people."
Now tho Congress seeks to provide altogether
different conditions under which the "govern
ment and control of the island" will be "left"
to its people.
Lot us analyze the conditions herein made.
Tho first clause unquestionably would give to
tho United States the same powers of suzerainty
which the South African Republic surrendered to
Great Britain at the cost, as we see, of the repub
lic's life.
The second clause is an assumption by the
United States of sovereignty, jurisdiction and con
trol over the financial affairs of the Cuban people.
The third clause would give the United States
government the right to take possession of Cuba
and sweep the Cuban government out of exist
ence at any time when the American politicians
in authority should conclude it was to their interests
to do so. This clause involves even a more whole
sale surrender of independence on tho part of tho
Cubans than was required by Great Britain of the
South African Republic.
The fourth clause is designed to protect the
so-calkd "vested rights" acquired by administra
tion speculators since our military forces have oc
cupied Cuba,
The fifth clause is devised to give further re
cognition to the notion that in spite of the (lis
claimer the United States does have" sovereignty,
jurisdiction or control" over the Island of Cuba.
Certainly the people of Cuba will have just as
much interest in devising and carrying out sani.
tary plans as the people of the United States will
have. This clause is a mere pretense, as ingen
ious as the many other ingenious pretenses con
tained in this amendment.
The sixth clause is superfluous if it is not
absolutely unjust. If the United States, have
title to tho Isle of Pines, certainly that title
would not be effected by anything which the
Cuban constitutional convention may do.
The seventh clause, is a piece of hypocrisy
entirely in keeping with other portions of the.
amendment. For years the Monroe Doctrine has
been sufficient to enabfe tho United States to
maintain tho independence of the South American
republics. It would seem that the Monroe Doc
trine should bo sufficient to enable the United
States to maintain the independence of Cuba
should it ever develop that the people of that
island were incapable of maintaining their own
independence.
The entire plan denies the claim of. the war
resolutions that the" psople of Cuba "are and of
right ought to bo' free and independent." It
seeks to place upon the young republic limitations
and conditions which must humiliate the patriots
of that island, and which would deny that com
plete independence so essential to a successful
republic.
The world was not surprised, when it was told
that the Cuban statesmen would not consent to
these conditions. Exactly what course they will
adopt has not yet been determined. A hint as to
their course may be obtained by resolutions intro
duced iiito the Cuban constitutional convention,
as follows:
The government of Cuba will not make a treaty
or agreement With auy foreign power which may
compromise or limit the independence of Cuba, or
which may permit or authorize any power to obtain
by means of colonization or for military or naval pur
poses, or in any other way, any foothold or authority,
or right over any portion of Cuba,
Second The government will not permit its
territory to be used as a base of operations for war
against" the United States or against any foreign
nation.
Third The government of Cuba accepts in its
entirety the treaty of Paris, in which are affirmed
the rights of Cuba, to the extent of the obligations
which are explicitly indicated in these, and especially
those which the international law imposes for the
protection of life and property.
Fourth It recognizes as legally valid all acts of
the military government, during the period of occu
pation, also the rights arising out of them in con
formity with the joint resolution and the Forakcr
amendment and the existing laws of the country.
Fifth The governments of the United States
and Cuba ought to regulate their commercial rela
tions by means of a treaty based on reciprocity and
with tendencies toward free trade in natural and
manufactured products, mutually assuring ample
special advantages in their respective markets.
Practically, these resolutions embrace all that
the United States has a right to demand. In theso
resolutions any fears the United States may have
that Cuba might lose its independence are allayed.
There is the promise that in order to absolutely
maintain this independence no power shall obtain
any foothold or authority, civil, naval, or mili
tary, in any part of the Cuban jurisdiction. There
is the assurance that Cuban territory will never
be used as a base of operations for war against
the United States. There is the assumption by
the Cuban government of every pledge made by
the United States government in the treaty of
Paris. There is the promise that all acts of the
military government will be recognized as valid,
and that all rights arising out of those acts will be
duly recognized, with the very sensible proviso
that these rights must have been acquired m con
formity with the war resolutions and tho existing
laws of the country. Finally, there is the decla
ration that there should be made between the
.United States and Cuba treaties of mutual inter
est to the two countries.
If we are to keep the pledge made in the war
resolutions, these Cuban resolutions contain all
the assurances tho United States have a right to
require. Explicitly and frankly they deal with
the only things in which we have any concern, if
we are not hypocrites, and if we do not desire to
exercise "sovereignty, jurisdiction or control"
over tho island ofCuba.
The Cuban people cannot be expected to ac
cede to the terms of the amendment as adopted by
the American Congress. The politicians behind
the administration seem to be anxious to acquiro
- "a new insurrection."
It is to be hoped that the Cubans will recog
nize that the amendment adopted by Congress is
the opinion of republican leaders and not tho opin
ion of the American people. Tho republican
platform of 1900 contained the following plank:
"To Cuba independence and self-government
were assured in the same voice by which war was
declared, and to tho letter this pledgo should
be performed." As the democrats, populists and
silver republicans also declared in favor of Cuban
independence, it is fair to assume that a large
majority of tho voters of all parties are opposed
to conditions prescribed by the administration.
This sentiment ought to be expressed before the
Cubans are alienated. No nation is great enough
or strong enough to do injustice to another na
tion, however weak; still less can a guardian af
ford to be unjust to a ward. The administration
is repudiating the pledge of its party as well as
tlm promise of the nation. Now is the time for
honest, independent and patriotio republicans to
speak out before an irreparable injury in done.
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