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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Feb. 22, 1901)
njVWS -T3 yi ' m PS""' r' T-wCTlPI?TjrpiWWf! 'TIS ! fc publican form of government, and an improve ment in some roBpcets over our own Constitution, it certainly must bo admitted that "pacification" has takon place. TJio Cuban people alone have the authority to adopt or modify their constitution.' When a government in compliance with that constitution is organized it will bo the duty of the president to -withdraw tho military forces of the United States from that island, and leave its people to to work out their own destiny, overcoming ob stacles in their own way exactly as other peoples have been required to do. Tho withdrawal of tho United States from Cuba and dolivory of power thero to tho consti tuted authorities of that island, is purely an executive act. Tho question of pacification in volves a very simple fact. The executive knows, as tho world knows, that Cuba has been pacified. But if Congress should assume tho authority to approve, reject or modify tho Cuban constitution, tho United States would bo assuming sovereignty, jurisdiction and control over tho island of Cuba, things which tho United States expressly dis claimed. It is contended by some friends of the adminis tration that it is essential that tho United States shall bo given suzorain powers in that constitu tion that tho Cuban people shall obligate them selves not to outer into treaties with foreign countries without tho United States' consent. It is further claimed that it is necessary, that the constitution shall declare that thero shall bo no interference with "vested rights'' in the island of Cuba. In tho first place, the claim to suzerain rights is a distinct violation of our disclaimer that tho United States would not seek to exercise sover eignty, jurisdiction or control over said island, except for tho pacification thereof. It is a dis tinct violation of our pledge that after pacifica tion is accomplished it is our intention to leave tho government of that island to the Cuban people. In tho next jlaco there aro no such things morally or legally as "vested rights" in the isl and of Cuba accruing during our military occu pation of that island. It is true, that sinqo our military forces took possession thero, syndicates having the favor of -the administration have rushed in and have ob tained valuable franchises, but these franchises aro tho property of tho people of Cuba. Our military forces were there for tho purpose of aid ing in paoiiication, and were not given authority to vest any rights in administration favored syn dicates. "" ' Tho anxiety of these syndicates to maintain possession of valuable franchises is perhaps tho explanation of the disposition manifested by tho administration politicians to violate tho solemn pledge of this nation with respect to the island of Cuba. It may bo that congress will insist upon pass ing upon tho Cuban constitution, but this will bo mere assumption. It may be that Congress will seek to modify that constitution according to tho whims of administration politicians and for tho benefit of administration syndicates, but Con gress will be treading on dangerous ground. Iu law and in morals it will be acting without au thority. In fao'j, it will be trilling with a people The Commoner, whoso history repudiates the presumption that thoy will submit to imposition at the hands of American syndicates and American politicians any more willingly than they would submit to im position at the hands of Spanish tyrants. Tho President has been very quick to oncroach upon congressional prerogative in the selection of a Philippine Commission empowered by him with authority to make laws and to collect and disburse revenues in tho Philippine Islands. He now seems to bo equally ready to surrender a plain and exclusive executive prerogative in carrying out tho war resolutions with respect to Cuba. Senatorial Wit. Mr. Towno's speech on the Philippine ques tion brought out a passage at arms between him and Senator Dopow, which has been widely cir culated. The New York Senator said: "I congratu late you, Mr. Towne. Your delivery was fine, your diction elegant and your peroration superb, but your argument was damnable." "I am de lighted to know," instantly replied tho Senator from Minnesota, "that you approve of the only features of it you could comprehend." This recalls an exchange of compliments which is reported to have occurred between Sena tor Beck, of Kentucky, and Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts. Tho former likened the Senator from Massa chusetts, to a tract of land in Virginia described by Randolph as "barren by nature and impover ished by cultivation." The gentleman from the Bay State awaited his opportunity and when a fellow senator, commenting on Mr. Beck's continu ous speaking in the discussion of a tariff bill, asked: "When does his mind rest?" replied, "When he talks." Evidently tho Senate is not always prosy. W The Influence of the Press. Lincoln, Neb., Feb. 8th, 1901. Mr. G. P. Brown, President Correspondent's Club, New York, Dear Sir:- I am in receipt of your favor announcing that the .auuual reunion of your club is to be held on the fourteenth of February, and asking for some suggestions upon the theme, "How can the influence of tho Press bo increased?." I thank you for tho honor you do mo and take pleasure in submitting an opinion. Taking it for granted that the members of your club will deal exhaustively with the news features of tho press, I shall confine my observations to the edi torial department. Tho influence of tho press must, in tho long run, depend upon tho character of the press and, as tho character of the press is determined by the character established by individual newspapers, it follows that improvement must begin with tho units which make up the whole. Improvements aro always possible, but throe occur to mo as of especial and immediate impor tance. First. A newspaper will exert a greater influ ence, other things being equal, if it is known to represent on public questions the deliberate con victions of some person a person of flesh and blood, not a corporation. The New York Trib une, under Greeley, was a good illustration 6f such a paper. Second. The influence of a newspaper, other things being equal, will bo greater if it is known who owns the paper and controls its policy, and that that person has no interests adverse to tho interests of the readers. So many newspapers are owned by, or mortgaged to, speculators, capi talists and monopolists, and are used for advocat ing or excusing legislation having for its object tho conferring of special privileges upon a few of the people at the expense of the rest of the peo ple, that tho Press has been robbed of much of its legitimate influence. Third. Tho influence of the Press will bo increased by greater unity in the support of any good cause and in the condemnation of any bad practice. Tho character of a paper is affected less by priority in the discovery of a felony than by persistence in tho prosecution of the fel.on. In other words, a principle is more important than a "scoop." Very truly yours, W. J. Bjryan. . W The Cost of Militarism, "Peace is the imperious necessity of advanced democratic civilization" says the New York World, "and only the despotically governed nations can afford to maintain huge military establishments." The World points out that free countries whose fighting forces must be raised by voluntary enlistment instead of by universal conscription must pay for them in open competition with tho labor market. Pointing out that we pay, for an army and navy of 120,000 men, $253,090,870, exclusive of pensions, The World says that this is $14,000,000 a year more than "England pays, including pensions, for an army and navy that number 3G4,000 men. Including pensions, our military budget ag gregates $398,042,103, which The World says is more than twice as large as tho military budget of France with her army and navy of 022,000 men; almost twice as large as Russia with nearly a million soldiers and sailors; nearly double Ger many's with her half . million enlisted men and almost five times as largo as Austria's with 278, 000 men. Aside from pensions, the cost of the Ameri can army and navy, according to Tho World, averages $2,100 per year for our enlisted men. To Great Britain the cost is something less than $700 a year for every man. The cheapest of all is the Russian soldier and sailor who costs $200 per year. The World's contention that only the despot ically governed nations can afford to maintain huge military establishments was not particularly in need of confirmation, but if confirmation was required, accepting these figures as correct tho point has been fully sustained; Then and Now. The administration leaders are now pushing a bill to make silver dollars redeemable in gold. Yet it was only nine years ago that the republi can party emphatically declared that it was in favor of the use of "both gold and silver as standard money," and five years ago it bitterly denied that it was an advocate of .gold monomet alistn. Republican declarations, and denials aro subject to a much heavier discount than silver has ever suffered. r .ci i ' --1 J4! J A