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About The alliance. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1889-1889 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 2, 1889)
OFFICIAL ORGAN NEBRASKA $1.00 PEU YEAH IN ADVANCE. T 1 Li. STATE FARMERS' ALLIANCE. . i , I l "THERE IS NOTHING WHICH IS HUM.AN THAT IS. ALIEN TO ME" Terence. LINCOLN, NEBEASKA, SATURDAY, NOV. 2, 1889. NO. 20. VOL.1. E THE ALLIANCE. PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY HORNING'. BY THE ALLIANCE PUBLISHING CO. BOHANNAN BLOCK, Lincoln, - - - Nebraska. J. BURROWS, : : Editor. J, M. THOMPSON, Associate Editor. All communications for the pawr should be addressed to THE ALLIANCE PLBLISH INO CO., aud all matters pertaining to the Farmers' Alliance, includitg subscriptions to the pape. to the Secretary. Notice to Subscribers. ixpirations. As the easiest and cheapest means of noti fying subscribers of the date of their expira tions we will mark this notice with a blue or red pencil on the date at which their sub scription expires. We will send the paper two weeks alter expiration. If not renewed by that time it will be discontinued. SUBSCRIBE FOR The Alliance! -oo- THE FARMERS' OWN PAPER ! -00- Magnificent Premiums ! 00 The Alliance has been started as the official organ of the Nebraska State Farmers' Alliance. It has already taken a high place among the papers of the country, and is gaining patron age which promises to make it a bril liant success. It will be conducted SOLELY IN THE INTEREST OF THE FARM ERS AND LABORING MEN OF THE STATE AND .NATION. J. BURROWS, its Editor, is President of the National Farmers'' Alliance, and Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Farm ers' State Alliance. He has had long experience in newspaper work. lie will bring to his aid able men in differ ent spheres of thought, and will make The Alliance one of the ablest pa pers in the west. The Alliance will be absolutely FEARLESS AND UNTRAMMELED in the discussion of all public ques tions. Its publishers will accept no patronage from corporations that will embarrass their free expression of opinion upon all topics. NO MONEY WILL BUY THE OPINIONS OF THIS PAPER. THE ALLIANCE will be found in the front ranks of the opposition to all trusts and combinations to throttle com- petition, and extort from the producers and laborers the lion's sharejof the fruits of their toil. "We shall advocate the free coinage of silver the same as gold, and its re storation to its old time place in ouf currency; The issue of all paper money direct to the people on land security, and an increase of its volume proportioned to increased production and population; G overnment ownership of railroads; The U. S. postal telegraph; The restriction of land ownership to the users of land, and its reasonable limitation; The exclusion of alien landlords; The election of U. S. Senators by a direct vote of the people; And all other reforms which will inure to the benefit of the Farmers and Workingmen. MR. BURROWS was the first man to officially propose the union of the Northern and South ern Alliances into one body; and the first to propose the formation of a Na tional Business Committee, which prom ises to develop into 'one of the largest co-operative enterprises in the world. Now Brother Farmers and Working men, it remains for you to prove that the often-made assertion that you will not stand by your own friends, is false. We appeal to you for support. Give us your support and we will give you a grand paper. Every member of the Alliance, and every Farmer, should make the suc cess, of this paper HIS OWN INDI VIDUAL CONCERN. We want an agen,v, in every Alliance in the North. Terms, Single Subscriptions $1.00 per year, invariably in advance; or, Five yearly Subscriptions Four Dollars. Canvassers wanted. SEE OUR MAGNIFICENT PRE MIUM OFFER in our advertising columns. All kinds of Job Work Promptly and neatly executed at rea sonable prices. Particular attention given to Alliance work. Address, Alliance Pub. Co.. Lincoln, Neb. In Cass Co. The meeting at Weep ing Water last Saturday was well at tended. The farmers of Cass county are showing much interest in Alliance matters, and in public questions in which their interests are involved. We look for a boom for the Alliance from that quarter. Our subscription list re ceived quite an accession at Weeping w ater. Mr. B. F. Allen, the secretarv of Cass Co. Alliance, is entitled to our thanks. He is a staunch friend of the Alliance cause, and of reform all along me line. . I OFTEN WONDER WHY 'TIS SO. Some find work where some find rest, And so the weary world goes on ; I sometimes wonder which Is best; The answer comes when life Is gone. Some eyes sleep when some eyes wake. And so the drearynight-hours go: Some hearts beat where some hearts break; I of ted wonder why 'tis so. Some wills faint where some wills flgrht; Some love the tent, and some the Held. , I often wonder who are right : The ones who strive, or those who yield. Some hands fold where other hands Are lifted brftvely in the strife; And so thro' ages and thro' lands Move on the two extremes of life. Some feet halt where some feet tread, In tireless march, a thorny way; Some struggle on where some have fled; Some seek when others shun the fray. Some swords rust where others clash, Some fall back where some move on, Some flags furl where others flash Until the battle has been won. Some sleep on while others keep The vigils of the true and brave, They will not rest till roses creep Around their names abovo a grave. ' Father Ryan. EXDITORXAXj. HAPPINESS THROUGH TAXATION. In all ages of the world taxation has been Teen considered a burden. In nearly all conflicts between tyrants and the people the point at issue has been as to the amount of the people's wealth that should be taken by the governing power. All encroachments of privilege have began by an unjust absorption of the earnings of labor. The English revolution of 1688 was precipitated by the refusal of an English country gen tleman to pay an unconstitutional tax. The French revolution was the direct result of the bankruptcy of the produ cers of France through onerous taxa tion and the exactions of privileged classes. The water of Boston 'harbor was transformed into quite a palatable though rather brackish quality of tea, and the English nation lost the brightest gem from its crown, on the same old issue. It has remained for Henry George to make :i new application of old facts, and 'to gain a large following by deducting from the largest scheme of taxation ever proposed the very acme of human happiness, the millennium of the gold en age when equality shall reign and misery disappear. In Mr. George's scheme the rule seems to be the greater the tax the greater the happiness. Ano ther paradox is foand in the proposition that the more the taxis concentrated up on one factor of production, viz: land, the more equally will its burden be dif fused through all classes: Mr. George, therefore, proposes to take all the wealth of one class for the benefit of all classes. He proposes to equalize distribution by taxing out of existence one of the prime factors of distribution. His proposition, in short, is to confiscate rent by taxa tion. Exactly what he proposes to do, and what he proposes to accomplish by it, cannot be stated more forcibly or more eloquently than Mr. George him self has stated it. He says, in Progress and Poverty, p. 292: "What I, therefore, propose, as the simple yet sovereign remedy, which will raise wages, increase the earnings of capital, extirpate pauperism, abolish poverty, give remunejative employ ment to whoever wishes it, atlord free scope to human endeavor, lessen crime, elevate morals, and taste, and intelligence, purify government, and cany civilization to yet nobler heights, IS TO APPROPRIATE RENT BY TAXA TION. We make this heartfelt tribute to Henry George: the man who can sin cerely voice that aspiration is a noble man, whatever may be his errors. "Error may be the sin and shame of time, But not the crime May cloud the soul with shadows, but may not lis giory Dior. Considering its Utopian character, and the absolute impossibility of its realiza tion, the idea of Mr. George is gaining adherents with wonderful rapidity. They continually spring up in the most unexpected quarters. A peculiarity of this creed not generally noted is, that Avhile it is offered as a remeby for class distinctions and class privileges, it ap peals peculiarly to class support. The business men of our 'cities, not as a rule owners of land, are offered the tempt ing bait of having all taxes laid upon land values, and of having all personal property all the creations of labor all their wealth of merchandise ex empt from taxation. The laboring classes are offered the tempting prize of the opportunity to gain possession of lands now held by the wealthy for rent or speculation, and also of having all their personal property exempt from taxation. A glaring injustice and ine quality which must result in the rela tions of merchants to the other classes of society is quite generally overlooked A merchant might have on hand a stock of goods worth a million of dollars, while his tax as a user of land might be a mere, song. His tax upon rental value wquld be chargeable to expense ac count, and therefore an element of price, and would be transferred to the purchaser of his goods, the consumer. His million dollars' worth of goods would be exempt from all taxation. His only tax would, be upon eonsump tion. His consumption might be little more than the carpenter or day-laborer w ho lived in the shadoAV of his untaxed store. It would seem to be a gross ine quality where a merchant millionaire paid no more tax than a day-laborer. Under the Henry George idea, in or der to make natural opportunity free to all, it would be necessary to take all rent in taxation. This is Mr. George's statement He does not palliate it, or by any equivocal means seek to lessen its force. The purpose of the single tax being to "confiscate rent," it is imprac ticable to leave a margin of rent to be absorbed by land speculation, because this wrould defeat that purpose. It will therefore be seen that this tax must be enormous. With advancing values it must advance. Mr. George has not, and cannot, make plain that the adop tion of his idea would diminish rent. He claims that the burden of rent, and its constant increase, would be lessened and counterbalanced by a greatly in creased production. Buthis argument does not make it clear how producers would be benefited by this increased production when it would constantly be absorbed by the community in increased rent, with correspondingly increased taxation. But a question of prime importance is involved in connection with the na ture of rent which is to be annually taken by the community by taxation. Rent is intangible. It does not grow, like corn and potatoes. The sheriff can not go around and put his hands upon it, as he can upon city lots, buildings, farm lands, horses or cattle. This great wealth of rent, which must annually be collected for the purpose of making land free, must be annually created. Created out of what? Out of iand. Created by whom? By those who apply labor to land. This is the only way any wealth can be created. The users or the exchangers of wealth do not create it. In fact rent, like interest, has no existence apart from labor. All rent is the annual creation of labor. Now, under Mr. George's system where would the burden of labor which annually pro duced the rent fall? Manifestly not upon any class in the business of wiiich rent could be made an element of price. All people,whether artizans, merchants, carriers, or professional men, avIio could make rent an element of price for their wares or their services, would transfer its buujlen to the purchasers of those wares or services. Analyze this princi ple, and follow this transfer of the bur den of rent, and it will be found to rest ultimately upon the only classes in so ciety who cannot transfer their burdens to any other class the men of our cities who sell no commodity except labor, and the actual tillers. of thasoiLw We shall allude hereafter to the pi'in ciple of competition proposed by Mr George under which society is to dis tribute natural opportunities. REPUBLICAN DESPAIR. Republican Anti-Monopoly Leagues Needed. From the republican press comes up a wail because respectable republicans fail to register. The republican vote is likely to be largely diminished becanse the honest portion of the party recog nize that they are disfranchised by the dishonest methods of the imperium in imperio the corporate power which buys delegates after they arc appointed, and foists monopoly tools upon the party. A monopoly league is formed within the party, led by such men as John M. Thurston and Brad Slaughter, having for its object to maintain a high tariff on eastern protected manufac tures which western men have to buy, and perpetuate a high tariff of rates on western roads. This is a wheel within a wheel and its fine work was seen at the late republican convention, when an honest judge, w hom the convention was instructed to nominate, was ruth lessly slaughtered. "Fine work", is hardly the correct term to apply to it, as it was the ' most shamelessly open piece of corruption we ever. saw. So hardened to this kind of thing have those fellows become, that they buy delegates in open market, as they Avould pigs the difference being that they don't pay a price pigs Avould bring. 1m ow, Avhat are you honest, self-re specting republicans going to do about it? Are you going to be Avalked up to the shambles like cattle, every fall, and be traded off to the railroad poAver of this state for free passes and section boss situations? That's about the Avay it looks to a man up a tree. "When bad men conspire, good men must com bine." The bad men of the party are con spiring. The railroad portion of it haA'e formed their league a close corpora tion to hold the party up to their Avork. Why should not the honest portion of it Avho adhere to republican principles in their purity, who believe in fair conven tions and honest elections, who abjure the domination of railroad cappers and section bosses, band themselves together in Republican Anti-Monopoly Leagues, and thus afford rallying point and a standard for the honest portion of the party. Republicans of Nebraska, if you would rescue your party from the clutches of the men who are using you for merchan dise, AA'ho are defiling the name of re publican, and making any participation in politics a byword and reproach, you you must assert yourselves in this or some other manner While this is not our funeral, Ave feel Avell qualified to giAe advice in the premises. - Chaunce Depew caught the Presiden tial bee at Chicago, and it is buzzing still. V Alas! how pitiful!" ADVANCE OF JPUBLIC SENTIMENT. A marked change and advance of pub lic sentiment on popular questions in which the interests of the people are in volved is quite observable. Only a little while ago the man who proposed that the government should own and oper ate the railroads was considered an im practicable crank almost a lunatic. Now a great many well-informed and thinking men, and even many railroad men, are admitting "that such owner ship seems to offer the only practical solution of the railroad problem. Only last week a very conservative gentle man, a judge of a district court, in formed us that his opinions on this sub ject had undergone an entire change, and that he noAV thought goA-ernment control would haA'e tq be adopted. This change is also observable in men's A'ieAvs upon the money question This question has not seemed to appeal so directly to men's interest as the transportation question; and it has not been so intelligently ; and exhaustiA'ely discussed. Or rather? It may be more proper to say that a popular compre hension of it has been "prevented by the general belief that the old system is the only true one; and the subjects-being rather more intricate the popular mind has not grasped it as it has other ques tions. But the people are beginning to understand that this is the most impor tant question of the day that it really inArolves all other questions; and they are beginning to see that it is not so in tricate as those who knoAV the secret of the manipulation of money for the con-i trol of wealth would have them believe; and a marked change'- has taken place in the popular view of this question. The NeAv York Sun in revieAving the proposition of Mr. St. John at the con A'ention of national bankers at Kansas City, uses this language: "The people of this country as represented in con gress, Avill neA'er consent to his funda mental proposition. If any change is made in the form of our currency It Avill be in . the direction of increasing our legal tender and not of diminishing them. They cost little to create, and are as good as coin for all business pur poses. To substitute I for them actual coin, costing 75 cents on the dollar, Avould be a Avaste of 'public 'property for Avhich no congressman Avould dare to vote." ' The Sun Avill haA'e to, progress only a little further to adA-fjcate - a, people's money based-on lamlAhi.MAreint all debts based on production? Are not the goA'ernment bonds based on production? Let the production of Avealth from . land cease and - no bond would be Worth a stiver. Noav Avhy should security based on land be re moved to the second degree? Why should not the money be based on the actual production instead of on a bond Avhich is based on production? In other AArords, why should not the money issue directly on the first mortgage? Isn't it a little singular that the government that is the people Avishing to issue money for its use, should set apart a small portion of the people a fraction of itself and issue money to that frac tion at one per cent, and authorize that fraction to collect twelve per cent of the balance of the people? This is Avhat "Ave the people" are doing. The bonds are fast disappearing as a basis for money. Something . else has has got to be substituted. The bonds represent production through land in the second degree. Will it not be best to substitute the land itself?' Our na tional money Avould then represent land itself and production in the first degree. Our money would then be the best rep resentatiAe of A'alue, and represent ' the best A-alue, of any money ever created a A'alue that Avould go on producing AA ealth through the ages. We hope to see the change of public sentiment on the money question go forward still more rapidly. The Lincoln Journal and the Corn Laws. The Lincoln Journal guys .Norman J. Colman about his speech before the j Avheat groAvers' comention at St. Louis. The speech Avas in favor of free .trade and against monopolies and trusts. The ! instincts of the Journal are in favor of monopolies, it being the acknoAvledged mouthpiece and organ of the great Ne braska monopoly; so of course it Avill ridicule anyone Avho has anything to say against trusts. It says: "Colman is under the impression that Great Britain, our only foreign Avheat customer of any account, levies a tariff on our Avheat in retaliation for the tariff Ave levy on her iron, and that this is Avhat makes Avheat so Ioav in price. He has never heard of the repeal of the corn laAvs in Great Britain some forty years ago." ' Hoav long is it since the Nebraska re publican state committee sent out Judge Mason to prove to the farmers of this state that the price of their wheat was enhanced by the twenty cent tariff that is placed upon imported Avheat? if any happens to be imported. The Journal's fling about the corn laAvs Avould seem to shoAv that it thought those laAvs barba ous. Well, so they aa ere. What was their object? To keep up the price of bread in the interest of the English , producer. Their injustice consisted in the fact that they imposed a heavy burden of taxa tion upon the consumers of bread. Will the Journal inform us Avherein they differed in principle from Taws Avhich are passed to keep up the price of iron and steel, and impose a heavy burden of taxation upon the consumers of those articles? ABOUT REGISTRATION. A Wail From the Lincoln Journal. A sad wail about registration goes up from the editorial columns of last Sun day's Journal. Though not a Sunday topic, the exigencies of the case Avere so important that its discussion couldn't be postponed to a week day. The Jour nal says, "And now we learn that about "two thousand of the tax-paying mem "bers of the republican party have so "far failed to register in this city. " . It is a burn "ing shame." It also says: "It is noticeable that the business men whose interests in honest elections are supposed to be great, the tax payers whose stake in the character of the men chosen to fill the various county offices, notably: the commissioner, the treasurer and the sheriff, are the soreheads this year and decline to take a constitu tional walk of a few short blocks to put their names on the roll, while the ward bummers and professional politicians are all down to a man and ready for the election." . , It also says: "The republican party of Lancaster, according to its custom, has given the people a clean ticket of county officers to vote for this fall. The state republi can convention has put up an excellent ticket." . It is not our purpose to criticise the republican county ticket. It is probably as clean as usual. In the convention which nominated it, the fight was by one ring against another; and Avhich ever ring had won, the victory would have been heralded as a great triumph of the people over the ring. , But the state ticket! "The state re publican conA'ention," indeed! We don't consider that it was "republican." It Avas a railroad strikers' convention, and nothing, else. Can such : a - convention put up "an excellent ticket?" We opine not. Noav, we Want to say to the Jour nal that right in the character of these conventions Avill be found the explana tion of the "noticeable" fact that "the business men whose interest in honest elections are supposed to be great" do not think it worth their Avhile to register. They think a nomination is cqimalent to an election; and they conclude to let the "ward bummers and professional politicians" and brass-collared railroad strikers finish the business they" began. We would further inform the Journal that "honest elections" must be preceded by honest conventions. A dishonest conA'ention demoralizes and vitiates .any election, no matter how honest may be the intentiou of the voters. In fact, the more honest the Aoters the more glar ing the a-illainy that Avas perpetrated at the late so-called republican conven tion. Perdition yaAvns for the party that al lows its suffrage to be debased and vot ers disfranchised by such manipulation ef the knoAvn Aroice of the people. The failure of self-respecting citizens to regis ter and Aote is a hand Avriting on the wall Avhich any parry organ of sense would omit to call attention to. LEGALITY OF PASTERS, (i Attorney General Leese, in response to an inquiry, gives his official opinion that printed pasters putting names on tickets other than the regular nominees, are illegal; and that any names of other than the regular nominees of the party designated printed on the ticket in any manner, are illegal. This decision may be correct, arid it is AArell to understand the matter fairly. The laAV under which this decision is made -.was passed by the dominant party in this state to prevent indepen dent voting, and not to protect the pu rity of the ballot. It Avas passed by the first legislature that met after the revolt from railroad-republican rule which re sulted in the formation of the anti-monopoly party. Under Gen. Leese's de cision the only Avay in which a ballot may be legally altered is by erasing a name and Avriting another in its ilace, on the margin of the ticket. The cus tom adopted by the bosses since this how AA'ent into effect is to print the bal lots in Aery fine type, Avith no spaces betAveen the lines, and no margin. This is the kind of ballots that Avill be fur nished to the people Avith Laws' and Norval's name on; and this the Avay the railroad party takes to protect the pu rity of the ballot. v The Demand for Tariff Revision. Mr. Blaine is reported as saying that it would be the "Avisest stroke of policy for the republicans in both houses to unite, as soon as congress convenes, upon a bill designed to meet the popu lar demand for tariff revision without disturbing the Avelfare of any especial industry." A politician A ieAVS this question in one light, and a statesman vieAVS it in an other. Mr. Blaine is a politician, and he desires to make a 'J wise stroke of policy" for the republican party, and at the same time "not disturb the Avelfare of any especial industry." This is just equivalent to saying that he Avill plug up the hole Avithout stopping the leak. If there is anything Avrong with the tariff it is that it imposes a burden of taxa tion npon a portion of the people of this country solely for the benefit of another portion; that it pays a bonus to capital invested in certain industries, Avhich bonus is collected out of the capital in vested in certain other industries, Avhich are not only not thereby benefited, but are on the contrary mulcted. Now if there is any "popular demand" on this subject it is that these irregularities be removed that taxation of all of us for the benefit of a feAV of us be discontin ued. Mr. Blaine proposes to do this "without disturbing the welfare of any especial industry." Mr. Blaine, in our humble opinion you'll find this a pretty large contract. If you lessen the tariff on any. of the protected fellows you'll be very apt , to disturb them; If you give the unprotected fellows a bounty to even , them up with the protected ones, you'll have to impose more taxa tion, and that will make a disturbance all round. The farmer pays for all, but reaps no benefit from protection. If you divide up the surplus in bounties to the farmers it will soon be gone, and then we'll be just as bad off as Ave are noAV. If you'll just let the tariff alone for one session, and give us money at cost, transportation at cost, and limitation of land ownership, the people will be so happy they'll no longer demand tariff revision. The Lancaster County Farmers and the Reef Combine. Unavoidable absence from the city prevented our attendance upon the last two meetings of farmers to consider the dressed beef question. We learn from those who AArere present, however, that sentiment appears to favor an effort to seek relief by buildiug a local slaugh tering establishment. That such action might be a benefit to Lincoln is quite probable; but hoAV it Avould afford any relief to the farmers of the county we are unable to discoA'er. A local slaugh tering establishment would have to compete Avith Armour the same as the local slaughterers do now. Under pres ent circumstances, Avith undoubted rail road discrimination in Armour's favor, giving him control of so many markets, and Avith his superior facilities for han dling a large product and utilizing all portions Of it, there could be but one is sue to such competition. The local es tablishment would be driven to the Avail, its shares would depreciate, and Avould be bought up by the combine at its oavii price. So, practically, capital put into such an enterprise Avould be a contribution to savcII the combine's al ready plethoric hoard. The only practicable methods of meet ing this combine are, as we pointed out at the first meeting, first by legislation preventing the importation of the Ar- mourjdressed meat; second, by an agree: ment of all citizens not to buy, sell or use it. If these fail our farmers must remain at the mercy of the. combine, and must find some other method of gaining a livelihood than( by raising beef. . If there are any farmers who propose to mortgage their farms to buy stock in the new slaughtering house, as the Journal says, we advise them to go sIoav. TO OUR FRIENDS, Many of our friends have come up nobly in aiding the work of- extending the circulation of TheAllliance. They consider it necessary to the Alliance, as it is, and identify its interests with that of the farmers whom it represents. To J. W. Dorland, of Elgin, E. II. Ball, of Phillips, Jas. O'Fallon, of Mead, Mr. Swigart, of Saunders, Nils Anderson, of Fillmore, and many others, Ave wish to extend our special thanks. But there are some whom Ave belieA'e to be sincere friends of the cause whose apathy is strange.. Some of these have not even sent their own subscription. We will not,belieAre they are not our friends, and friends of the work we are engaged in. We are sure, if they knew the sacrifice we haAre made, and have still to make, and the labor we have to perform, be fore we can consider this paper an as sured success, that they Avould come up to our help. To these men we say, do not help make true the saying that farm ers Avill not stand together, and do not look on indifferently Avhile your friends are struggling to help you. ANOTHER SPECIAL PREMIUM. We will send to eAery subscriber at $1.00 per year, LABOR AND CAPI TAL, by Edward Kellogg, post-paid. This book ought to be read by every farmer in the United States. We make this offer solely to promote educational work. Rev. Frances E. Toavnsley deliv ered a sermon Sunday morning last at the First Baptist Church in Lincoln, to which we had the pleasure of listening. Its literary merits, which were of a high order, formed only a part of the real basis of its A alue. Miss Townsley im pressd her hearers Avith the fact that she Avas a devoted Christian worker, thoroughly imbued Avith the spirit of Christ. It seems to us that the motto of our paper, "There is nothing Avhich is human that is alien to me," would be apt and truthful coming from her lips. Miss ToAvnsley is state superintendent of Gospel Avork in the W. C. T. U. .We consider the Avork of this society a grand one, ami Ave haA'e pro found re spect for the noble women Avho are en gaged in it. Among the various aA'c nues of labor which are of late years of fering neAV opportunities to women none seems more appropriate than pas toral work. Why should not Miss Toavnsley haA-e a pastorate in Lincoln? All rtrooertv is at the mercv of the money power" Thos. II. Benton. "It is the most dangerous power that can reside with any man or set of men." Prof. Denton. - What Sort of a Generation Will the Next be! "You see you did not travel all over our country and find out what could ho done. You go around the saw-mill and log camps, see hoAV they work, and what it is paid in, and you w ill say a I do, that a negro in slave time was a gentleman by the side of the hired hand of to-day. Look at the little hut, tho women and tho little children. What sort of a generation will tho next Ik)?" Cor. in Texas Mercury, That is the question. What kind of a generation will the next be? Wo don't have to go to Chicago, New York, Cin cinnati, or other great cities, to find gaunt hunger stalking in broad day. Strange, isn't it? With corn only 15 eta. a. bushel, and beef on the hoof only two cents a pound; and j et on all our thor oughfares men begging for work; in our Illinois mining toAvns women ami children eating tho bread of charity or starving, and in fertile Texas laboring men Avorse off than slaws of olden times, and other men asking "Avhat sort of a generation Avill the next 1h?" To-day, this blessed Lord's day, I at tended services in one of tho palatial churches of Lincoln. On my way theiv I heard men asking where they could find "a job of work." .1 had hardly reached the side-walk after service, when I overheard the conversation of a group of well-dressed men. One Avas saying there were too many men in Lincoln, that men with families Avero working for six dollars a Aveek and board themselves. God knoAvs I would have given the men work if I could. "Too many men!" and two hands for every mouth and the earth groaning, with plenty, granaries and ware-houses bursting with food. Is it, "the moru food the more misery?" Economist. Avhat's the matter? There's a cog slipped in the economic system. There's plenty of food, there's plenty of braAvn ready to labor, there are plenty of great en terprises demanding labor ready to bo pushed. Is there plenty of money? Tim government creates the money, and if lack of money is the trouble it ought t be cured at once. Awful Funny! Just awful! "The collapse of the leading bank of Central Kansas, fulloAving the bankrupt cy of several loan and trust companies, is the natural outcome of prohibition. The adoption and enforcement of tho laAV disrupted buincss and produced such strife andconfliet that property values flattened out, and the market stagnated. The result is that individuals ami corpo rations cannot unload their investments at fifty cents on the dollar, and are forced to the wall." Bee of Oct. 30th. The above is about the funniest thing we ever found in the columns of a great paper. It was probably written by an assistant Avhile Mr. Rosewater was at Tekamali paying his compliments to Mrs. Gougar. In the first place tho Bee knows very well that prohibition h.s never been enforced in Kansas at least it has so stated more than fifty times in the past year. In the next place it is extortionate interest which has broken those banks. They ' have lent money on chattels at 25 to 40 per cent. The mortgagors, unable to pay, have driven the chattels out of the state, and the banks were left. In a prosecution last summer in one of the western counties of Kansas, it Avas shown that the defendant had paid his debt twice over in usurious interest, and while he Avas proven guilty of sell ing mortgaged property, the jury re fused to convict. Public sentiment is against conviction in such cases. As the greed of the banks has impelled them to put most of their assets iu such securities, their failure is inevita ble, and we will add well deserved. If any business except the saloon business has ever been "disrupted by the enforcement of prohibition,' we have yet to hear of it. 1 Steve Dorsey Says There Is No Oicr production. Stephen W. Dorsey is on his way to New Mexico to look after his cattle in terests in the territory. He was at the Grand Pacific yesterday with his Avife, says the Chicago Herald. Mr. Dorsey and his cattle associates are just open ing up a new cattle ranch of 190,000 acres in old Mexico that will be stocked. "The low price of cattle don't scaro us," he said yesterday, "but it Avould if we did not make our market and handle our own stock. I deny that tho low price of cattle is a result of overproduc tion. There are not nearly as many head of cattle in the country as there used to be, in the face of the assertion made by Chicago witnesses latey before Senator Vest's committee. In 1800 the proportion was about one and one-half head of cattle to each individual; iu 1880 it was about even, but last year it Avas one and one-half persons to a head of cattle. Whether it is the increase of population or not cuts no figure. Cat tle ought to be higher than eyer before. They are low simply because the Chi cago dressed beef men control the mar ket and establish, the price. 1 can easily understand why Senator Vest Avas treated as he Avas, because it is to tho interest of Chicago people to stand by the dressed beef men." Mr. Dorsey has fully recovered from his illness, but he is still somewhat pale and shows other traces of it. Hoav Shall I Vote, is the title of a manly independent letter from Hon. Allen Root, in this issue. It takes ex actly tho right position on the question of Iioav to vote. We commend it to tho careful study of every voter. Tho man Avho is actuated by the principles it states will vote right, if he ..votes at all.