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Commoner
Extracts From W.
-i--"
--
Justice Brown would lie happier if
lie had contented himself with a de
cision without attempting to give any
reasons for it. There are many vul
nerable passages in the decision which
he delivered, but there is one passage
which shows t!ie uncertainty produced
by the court's decision. Heretofore,
the people have regarded liberty as an
inalincable right, and freedom of
speech and freedom of the press have
been considered absolutely necessary
to its defense. Those who prize liberty
and regard freedom of speech as above
price will not take kindly to the word
perhaps.' used by Justice Brown in
discussing the subject. He said:
4"To sustain tele judgment in the case
under consideration it by no means be
comes necessary to show that none of
the articles of the constitution applies
to the iland of Porto Iiico. There is
a clear distinction between such prohi
bitions as go to the very root of the
power of congress to act at all. irre--peetivc
of time or place, and such as
are operative 'throughout the United
Mates" or among the several states.
""Thus, when the constitution de
clares that "no bill of attainder or ex
post facto law shall be passed.' and
that "no title of nobility shall be
granted by the United States." it goes
to the competency of congress to pass
a bill of that description. Perhaps,
the same remark may apply to the first
amendment, that "congress shall make
no law respecting an establishment of
religion, or prohibiting the free exer
cise thereof; or abridging the freedom
of speech, or of the press; or the right
of people to peacefully assemble, and
to petition the government for a redress
of grievances.' We do not wish, how
ever, to te understood as expressing an
opinion how far the bill of rights con
tained in the first eight amendments
is of general and how far of the local
application."
He is not willing to go at once to the
full extent of his logic. He seems to
have faith in congress; he does not
doubt that it will deal fairly with sub
ject races, and yet he shrinks from the
thought of annihilating, at one blow,
the whole bill of rights. He boldly
declares that "there is a clear distinc
tion between such prohibitions as go
to the very root of the power of con
gress to act at all, irrespective of time
or place, and such as are operative on
ly "throughout the l'nited States.' or
amonjr the several states" not merely
a distinction, but a ""clear distinction."
And yet he becomes perplexed as soon
as he liegins to draw the ""clear dis
tinction."" He is quits sure that congress
is entirely prohibited from passing a
"bill of attainder or ex-post facto law.'"
or from granting "a title of nobility."
He thinks that ""perhaps the same re
mark may apply" to laws prohibiting
free speech, to laws abridging the
freedom of the press, and limiting the
right of the people t' peaceably a
emble and petition or redress.
Perhaps: Pf.R!" AP?!" PERHAPS::
How soon he becomes entangled in his
oxz web: And this is constitutional
law: Justice Brown wants it distinct
ly understood that the court is not at
this time "expressing an opinion how
far the bill of rights contained in the
first eig-ht amendments is of general
and how far of local application." It
will be intercstingto American patriots
to learn that rights for more than a
century considered inalienable are now
aivicea lnxo general ngnis anu
'local" rights: that some belong to
everyone, while others lielong only to
some, and that the some who enjoy all
lights are to decide what rights are
bafe in the keeping of others. The
Iioston Herald very properly says that
imperialism " doe, not consist in hav
ing an emperor, but in governing a
country on the well established basis
that all men are not free and equal."
It is not the form but the essence
which controls; it is not the name,
emperor, that is hateful. The Herald
adds:
It does not matter whether the
form of rule is that of the czar, or that
of aa imperia"l parliament which rules
over subject people in the name of a
conquering anil governing nation.
The government of England is just as
imperialistic as the government of
Kussia. The inhnbitants of Somali
Coast Protectorate, an English colony,
have no more political rijrnts accorded
to them by the British parliament, re
presenting the English people, than
the czar accords to the inhabitants of
the Crimea. The government of Eng
land is imperial, liecause. while arrogat
ing to themselves the right to do what
they please, the English people control
tae industrial and political existence of
hundreds of millions of people, and
settle these in such manner as they see
lit. The government of the czar is
imperialistic liecause. while arrogating
to himself the right to do as he pleases,
the czar dictates the political and in
i'ustrial development of scores of mil
J.ncs of people. Uut in each instance
there is a denial of the democratic
theory of government, that the people
a country have a right to regulate
their own affair."'
The decisions of the Supreme Court
in the Downes case places the inhabit
ants of Porto Kico at the mercy of con
press and the executive. There is not
a vital right that they can clc.'m as
theirs. Thev must bow before the
Clear the track for conquering Unc'e
Sam. Consent of the governed is a
myth, taxation without representation
has lie-come a vested right, and a re
public may have citizens, subjects and
:J.aves. When the constitution threat
ifls to curtail the privileges of exploit
ers and adventurers it must lie kept at
home. Truly tve have "progressed"
during the past three or four years.
Democrat will not be slow to note
that the administration organs and
leaders are unanimous ia their support
r ilcLanrin.
wrce-part vr-trw .-.vw e t
Comment,
J. Bryan's Paper.
American flag: they must swear al
legiance to it; they must follow where
it leads; their property and their lives
may be demanded for its maintenance
and defense, and yet what is there in
that flag which represents right or
hope for them? Heretofore, a territory
has looked forward to the time and
condition of statehood; its embarass
ments have been considered tempo
rary and during its period of waiting
its people have been protected in the
enjoyment of all the rights guaranteed
to citizens by the constitution. If its
delegate in congress has had no vote
its people have been reasonably safe
from harm because the general laws
made for the territories were also oper
ative in the states. Now comes a new
order of things ; the nation has caught
the spirit of conquest ; it has stained
its hands with the blood of subject
races. The people of Porto Rico are
notified that they are to be with us,
but not of us. They are to have neith
er our government nor their own
government, but such a government as
we think good enough for them. We
shall buy of them what we please upon
our own terms; we shall make their
laws for them ; we shall tax them ; we
shall govern them, and if they dare to
quote our declaration of independence
against us we shall shoot them. "Per
haps." we shall allow them freedom of
religion five judges in a court of nine
speaking for us. say that we are not
sure about this. "-Perhaps," we may
allow them freedom of speech the
question is not settled;"perhaps." their
newspapers may be allowed to criticize
carpet-bag officials but it is not yet
determined whether this is a general
right to be enjoyed by the Porto Rieans
or a loc.il one to be enjoyed only by
the people of the L'nited States. '-Perhaps."
they may be allowed to peace
ably assemble this is a matter for fu
ture consideration ; '"perhaps." they
will be permitted to petition for re
dress of grievances, we shsll see about
this later.
The Porto Rieans had heard of our
revolutionary war; they had read our
state papers; they had been inspired by
our patriotic songs, and so. when Gen
eral Miles landed uoon the island, the
people of Porto Rico met him with
music and spread flowers in his path.
Theirs is a rude awakening ! While
they dreamed of American lilerty the
Republican leaders were calculating
the trade value of eight hundred thou
sand Porto Rieans.
"Perhaps." Justice Brown's opinion
will convince the rank and tile of the
republican party that our institu
tions are in danger and that the re
publican party should be repudiated.
If lilierty liecomea a "-perhaps" in Por
to Rico tow long will it be a certainty
in the l'nited States ?
Somei the republican papers
exceptic .s to the statement in
take
last
week's Commoner to the effect that the
decision in the Downes case made the
president an emperor. Thev contend
that the arbitrary and abs'lute power
conferred by the court is to lie exer
cised by congress, but they forgot that
the president must join coigress in
making laws for the nation's subjects.
As the colonial system increases the
President will lieeoine a more and more
powerful factor in legislation. Under
the late decision the president is an
emperor the chief executive of an em
pire. Outside of the states he is not
bound by the constitution and can ex
ercise whatever power he can persuade
congress to grant.
The gold democrats seem anxious to
find a presidential candidate who is
noftainte-swith the silver heresy "and
insist that that was their main objec
tion to the ticket nominated in 13JG
and in
Why do they not urge the nomina
tion of Justice Harlan? Of course. Mr.
Harlan is not a democrat, but that ob
jection ought not to weigh with the
gold democrats who voted for Mr. Mc
K'inley. Mr. Harlan has not only
placed himself on record against im
perialism, but he also wrote a dissent
ing opinion in the ineome tax case, and
opposed the position taken by the su
preme court in the sugar trust ease.
He has a splendid record on three
prominent questions, but this the very
reason why the gold democrats would
object to him. They prefer a demo
crat who endorses republican policies
to a republican who supports demo
cratic policies.
"We want to make the people of dis
tant lands familiar with our products,"
says President McKinley. This is an
other sample of protection logic. The
protectionist says: "Give us protection
ag:nst the foreigners because we can
not ronipete with them: while we can
not undersell the foreigner in our own
mari et, we can undersell him in his
own." The strange part of this logio
is that so many people accept, it as
correct.
Violation of plain duty is perfectly
constitutional.
Some of the republican newspa
pers suggest that democratic editors
should apologize to Judge Harlan for
the criticism made against the appoint
ment of his son. Not at all, but the
republican editors ought to condole
with the president because the ap
pointment of Justice Harlan's son did
not have any effect on the father.
The American people should bear in
mind the extraordinary powers con
ferred upon congress by the supreme
court and be more careful in the elec
tion of congressmen.
way - stafJon lo'take la' fareweirlook T
PLAYING TO J. BULL.
PRO-BRITISH ADMINISTRATION
IN SORE STRAITS.
(Tanta to Sinks Toor Old Declining
Britain m Partner In the Xicaraguan
Caoal la Hay Guilty of Treason Try
ins to "Convince' Senators,
The United States Senate In the
last congress refused to ratify the
treaty known as the Hay-Pauncefote
treaty without some very radical
amendments were added. This the
British government refused to accede
to and our pro-British administration
was in a hole. President McKinley was
much disturbed by this action of the
senate and used every means possible
to have the treaty ratified. Secretary
Hay was much cast down, poor man,
and was said to be talking of resign
ing. He still hangs on. however, and
has been putting in what time he could
spare, when not writing poetry or on
junketing tours, in trying to find out
from such senators as he could inter
view just how much the administra
tion would be allowed to concede to
the Biritsh government and yet allow
a new treaty to be ratified. Fortunate
ly, more than one-third of the senate
Is composed of Democrats, and any
treaty that hints at abrogation of the
Monroe doctrine or that does not give
us full control of a canal that we are
to build and pay for has no chance of
being ratified.
Englishmen are beginning to see
this and prompts the London Spectator
to "sincerely trust" that the British
government "will handle the problem
with more care and attention than
hitherto, and also with more shrewd
ness and common sense." It asks Eng
lish statesmen "to inquire not whether
we (they) have a right to stop the
canal being made under the conditions
on which alone congress will sanction
its construction, but whether it is
worth our while to stop its construc
tion, and, on the other hand, whether
it will not be very much to our advan
tage to have the canal made. We
want the whole subject approached as
if the Clayton-Bulwer treaty did not
exist, and decided on its merits."
That would suit the American people
and the president and John Hay must
stand to the rack and demand the
rights that the United States are en
titled to. When we were less than
one-tenth as powerful as we are to
day we obtained our rights in the Ore
gon controversy under President Polk.
But Polk was a Democrat.
WATERED STOCKS.
One of the great evils of granting
corporations franchises in nearly all
the states is the lack of any provision
to prevent an undue issue of stock,
commonly known as "watered stock."
The issuing of a vast amount of stock
for which no money or value is paid,
is to overreach or defraud some one,
either these whom the stock is sold to,
or to force the public as in the case
of the railroads to pay extortionate
rates, so that dividends can be paid on
what is just so much paper. No state
should allow any company to be in
corporated that does not receive full
value for all the stock or bonds issued.
As the earnings of all corporations
must come directly or ind'rectly from
the public, they should be protected
by the law from this indirect way of
making them pay double tell on dou
ble capitalization.
The financing of the American loco
motive combine furnishes a very good
illustration of the way these things
are done, says the Chicago Chronicle.
The stock issued is 523.000.OW 7 per
cent cumulative preferred and $25,000,
000 common. One share of the latter
goes as a bonus with every share of
the former subscribed for at $110 per
share. Assuming $23,000,000 to be a
fair capitalization on the basis of the
earning power of the plants before
consolidation, the other $25,000,000
must be regarded as what i3 assumed
to be the capitalized value of the mere
combination over and above the origi
nal value of the property. The origi
nal owners get preferred stock to the
full value of their property, with 7
per cent dividends, and all they can
get for their common stock to an equal
amount above $10 a share Is so mucn
to the good. To judge from expres
sions of which the air was full not long
ago multitudes really believe that the
mere act of combining properties was
going to increase their earning power
from 20 to 100 per cent or even more.
Probably it is now seen that the foun
dations for such a belief were pretty
fraiL
THE SUPREME COURT AND
PORTO RICO.
To a layman the decision of the su
preme court in the Porto Rican cases
13 rather wobbly and presents some
rather curious anomalies. The consti
tution does follow the flag and then
again it does not stay with it. The
Island is territory of the United States
and yet the people there have no free
trade with the country to which they
belong. Then again they decide that
vessels trading with the island are in
the coastwise trade of the United
States, and yet when they ship any
goods by those coastwise vessels they
cannot land them in any of our ports
without paying a tariff duty on the
came. Yet the goods they shipped here
prior to the passage of the Foraker act
should not have paid duty and it must
be refunded to those who paid it.
There is only one clear matter about
the decisions that congress has the
sole right to legislate a3 It pleases for
those territories; otherwise. If Presi
dent McKinley had himself written the
decisions, they could not hare been a
more complete straddle from the view
"trtirbe made on August 1. Tne retailer I
of an ordinary layman. No doubt the
lawyers will understand the exact stat
us, in time.
That the court itself was not very
eit&r about some of the points at issue
can be seen by the remarks of one of
the justices who taunts his brother
judgel with reversing themselves on
one of the nine cases. Justice Harlan,
one of 3m four minority judges, said:
"I reject altogether the theory that
congress, in its discretion, can exclude
the constitution from a territory which
we have held to be a domestic 'terri
tory of the United States' acquired,
and which could only have beea ac
quired in virtue of the constitution. 1
cannot agree that it is a domestic ter
ritory of the United States for the pur
pose of preventing the application of
the Dingley tariff act imposing duties
upon imports from foreign countries,
but not a domestio territory and part
of the United States for the purpose
of enforcing the constitutional require
ments that 'all duties. impost3, and ex
cises' imposed by congress 'shall be
uniform throughout the United States.'
I do mot understand how Porto Rico
can be a domestic territory of the
United States, as we have distinctly
held in De Lima vs. Bidwell. and yet
that it is not. as is now held, embraced
by the word3 'throughout the United
States. The 'expanding future of our
country, justifying the belief that the
United States is to become what is
called a 'world power" of which so
much was heard at the argument does
not justify any such juggling with the
words of the constitution as would au
thorize the courts to hold that the
words 'throughout the United States.'
in the taxing clause of the constitution,
do not embrace a 'territory of the
United States.' This is a distinction
which I am unable to make, and which
I do not think ought to be made when
we are endeavoring to ascertain the
meaning of a great instrument of gov
ernment." THE HANNA BOOM.
Many people think the Hanna boom
for president is nothing but newspa
per talk and that the republican party
would not dare to nominate him. as his
record in favor of subsidies and trusts
would make his defeat certain. The
facts are that Hanna and the corpora
tions, the money power and the trusts,
think they own the country and can
nominate and elect whomsoever they
may select. They know they own the
republican party and that with the
enormous power they can bring to bear
the electoral vote can be manipulated
to their purpose.
That this program is being arranged
Is quite probable, for a dispatch to the
Chicago Chronicle from Philadelphia
says:
The boom of Senator Hanna for pres
ident in 1904 is now well under way.
The matter was settled when Senator
Hanna visited Philadelphia recently
end had a conference with Clement A.
Gi iscom. president of the International
Navigation company, and Senator Han
na's close personal friend. At the in
terview it was formally decided to
make public the boom of the senator
from Ohio. According to a statement
given out the senator will be in the
race from start to finish, and if he
fails it will not be because he did not
f.ght every inch of the way.
Nearly every national committeeman
has written a party indorsement of
Hanna as the logical republican candi
date and important officeholders have
done likewise. The suggestion ha3 also
received a most flattering response
from Senator Hanna's influential ac
quaintances among the business men
of the north.
Senator Hanna is a great deal more
than a possibility and preliminary ef
forts in behalf of others have bees
effectually halted without committing
Senator Hanna to anything. He can
now await events complacently and,
unless further contingencies change
the present aspects of the republican
situation, he will have things his own
way three years hence.
HAMMER AND ANVIL.
The Porto Rieans had a taste of the
constitution for a few months until
the Foraker law came along and took
it away from them again with a 15
per cent tariff. But then they still have
"the flag."
The supreme court decides that the
constitution did follow the fiag for
awhile in Porto Rico, and during that
time no tariff duties could be collect
ed, but congress had the right to take
it away from them again, and the flag
still waves there.
Morgan la negotiating for another
steamship line. If he succeeds in pur
chasing it the $180,000,000 proposed to
be paid in the Hanna ship-subsidy bill
will have to be increased so that al".
the subsidy hunters can get their fill.
This continued purchase of foreign
built ships does not promise well for
the American ship builders.
The democratic state convention of
Ohio will be held at Columbus July 9
and 10. Charles Salem of Cleveland
will be temporary chairman and N. D.
Cochran of Toledo temporary secre
tary. There will be a struggle for
supremacy between the Tom L. John
son and McLean forces, and the result
will have an important bearing on the
national campaign of 1904.
Senator Fairbanks will be a candi
date for the republican nomination for
president. Harry S. New is the author
ity for this statement, and, being a
member of the national committee
from Indiana, he is doubtless author
ised to speak. The more United States
senators that are candidates the bet
ter for the people. They will be more
careful of how they vote on ship-subsidy
bills and other schemes to rob the
treasury for the next three years.
-cause;! trr trie conrroversv m rrrrer-
RAILROADS CONTROL.
PRACTICALLY DIRECT LEGISLA
TION IN EVERY STATE.
Vnles the People Anake and Demand
Initiative and Keferendam on All
Lawt Evan the Shadow of Popular
UoTernment Will IJUappear.
Six men control all the trunk rail
roads of the country and unless un
looked for disagreements arise compe
tition is a thing of the past. This
wonderful combination or "community
of interests" as they now call it, has
been formed with extraordinary rap
idity and in addition to controlling the
railroads they dominate what is known
as Wall street. These six men also
monopolize other lines of Industry, Iron,
steel, tinplate. oil and anthracite coal
and the accumulation of their vast
wealth is being invested in other trusts
and combinations.
These six men are J. P. Morgan, A.
J. Cassatt, W. K. Vanderbilt, James J.
Hill and George J. Gould.
Morgan controls the Southern rail
way system, the Mobile and Ohio, the
Northern Pacific, the Erie, the Phila
delphia and Reading, the Jersey Cen
tral, the Lehigh Valley and the Monon
system.
A. J. Cassatt controls the Pennsyl
vania .railway, the Baltimore and Ohio,
the Western New York and Pennsyl
vania and owns Jointly, with the Van
derbilts the Chesapeake and Ohio, and
the Norfolk and Western.
W. K. Vanderbilt controls the New
York Central and allied lines, the
Cleveland, Cincinnati, Chicago and St.
Louis, the Lake Erie and Western and
the Chicago and Northwestern.
E. H. Harriman controls the Illi
nois Central, the Union Pacific, the
Southern Pacific, the Chicago and Al
ton, the Kansas City Southern and the
Chicago Terminal and Transfer.
James J. Hill controls the Great
Northern and jointly with Morgan, the
Chicago, Burlington and Quincy and
large interests ia the Northern Pacific
and Erie.
George J. Gould controls the Mis
souri Pacific, the St. Louis Southwest
ern, the Wabash, the International and
Great Northern and the Texas Pacific.
Associated with these railroad mag
nates and owning large blocks of stock
are William Rockefeller. Jacob H.
Schiff and others whose specialties are
banking and trusts.
What a vast political power these
men can wield, if only by their con
tributions to the political party they
think will best serve their interests.
They are all acting with the Republi
can party and their donations to the
Hanna campaign funds at the last two
national elections and the coercion of
the large army of railroad and corpo
ration employes, turned the scale in
favor of the Republican party and at
least in 1S9S defeated the honest ma
jority of the American people.
They control legislators and elect
congressmen who do their bidding,
there are but few counties in the
United States that have not their paid
attorneys at the county seat to watch
their interests and manipulate caucuses
and conventions of both parties or of
which ever is the dominant one for
the time being. They are so well
served by the present administration
that they hope to see it perpetuated
and are willing to pay a high price to
have it so. McKinley suits them well,
they are paying the expenses of his
trip through the country and furnish
ing tb choicest foods and wines, not
only for him. but for his cabinet and
all the followers that make up the
party. They are amply paid for thi3
large outlay, for no appointment to of
fice has been made by the president
that was opposed by any of these rail
road magnates and none ever will be.
Not that they favor a third term. Han
na would suit them just a3 well, may
be better, or any other man of the
same stamp.
These six men. therefore, control
the government of the United States.
Is it any wonder that many are look
ing for government ownership?
THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE
PRESIDENT.
The supreme court decision on the
Porto Rico cases has made consider
able flutter on the president's train,
according to the correspondent of the
Washington Post, who accompanies
the party on the trip. He forecasts
the action of the administration to
meet the new conditions in the Phil
ippines brought about by the decision
as follows:
The president will probably issue an
order applying solely to the Philip
pines, imposing upon goods exported
from these islands to the United States
a rate of duty equal to the tariff im
posed by the Dingley law upon the
same articles entering the United
States. This, it is believed, will close
the door by a method certain to be
sustained by the supreme court if a
test case should be brought before
that tribunal for decision.
Some consideration was given to the
question whether the president had the
power, under the Spooner act, to im
pose a duty in this country upon ar
ticles Imported from the Philippines.
The general opinion was that grave
doubt existed as to whether he pos
sessed the power, and it seemed to be
accepted that the export duty plan of
fered the most feasible solution. The
importance cf speedy action wa3 em
phasized, in view of the fact that tf
the matter is left unsettled until con
gress meets next December, there will
be very large importations from the
Philippines without the payment of
duty. In addition to this it was re
alized that the exporters of Chinese
tea. which pays 10 cents a pound duty,
and Chinese silks, which are also sub
jected to a high tariff, would send their
goods to the Philippines, paying the
slight duty there exacted, and then
have them forwarded to the United
States, where they could be entered
without additional cost Japanese and
Oriental goods of all descriptions could
also enter the United States by the
rouDd-about but economical route.
From this It will be seen that the
triumphs of Imperialism also has its
trials and tribulations and the end is
not yet.
FOREIGN COMPETITION.
The reduction of the rate of Inter
est in the United States is bringing
about a great change in the Industrial
conditions and is removing one of the
chief props of the protective tariff.
Manufacturers are nearly always large
borrowers, and the high rates of in
terest that prevailed until the last few
years, was one of the chief reasons
why they could not compete with their
foreign competitors. This barrier Is
now removed and the charge that we
are still unable to compete with for
eigners Is well answered by the Chi
cago Chronicle, which says:
Somebody signing himself "A Lanca
shire Cotton Spinner" writes from
Highland Park to a Chicago contem
porary to offer proof that English cot
ton mills are far behind the pale of
competition from the United State3.
Some twenty years ago the late James
G. Blaine, when secretary of state, pre
pared an official report showing that
even then American mills could pro
duce common cotton fabrics at less
cost than English mil's could, and that
the only reason why Americans needed
protection in this branch of manufac
ture was because their plants cost more
and the rates of interest were higher
in this country. Lately we have heard
a great deal about the abundance and
cheapness cf capital here, and our su
periority in machinery, construction of
plants, and so on. Then can it be true
that as competitors we are relatively
worse off than we were In 1SS1? True,
our cotton manufacturers are still han
dicapped by our tariff to a considerable
extent. But they are less so than for
merly because machinery costs less in
spite of the tariff. If. then, we are less
able to compete we must have retro
graded, relatively, in skill.
POLITICAL COMMENT.
When congress tackles the tariff
question, the Porto Rican, Cuban and
Philippine tariff will give the admin
istration a good many sleepless nights.
Fund3 are getting 6hort in the Phil
ippines and sundry expenses formerly
borne by the Insular treasury are now
being paid by the treasury at Wash
ington. This i3 to be expected, for
extravagance and high salaries are
running riot there. We shall either
have to be taxed to keep the Philippine
government going or the natives will
have to be burdened with more taxes
than they can bear. This is one of the
results of imperialism.
The meeting of railroad commis
sioners at San Francisco shows the
changed conditions between the rail
roads and the public that has taken
place during the last twenty-five years.
Since that time the supreme court of
the United States has decided that con
gress, in the case of interstate rail
roads and the states, has the power to
regulate and control them. The law
is on the side of the people, but the
railroads evade that by controlling the
commissioners and congress. Where
the railroads are charging too high
rates the people are themselves to
tlame. they must select congressmen
and commissioners who will attend to
their interests.
Looting from your enemies seems to
come within the Golden Rule of some
of tne missionaries in China. "Now
and then I branched out to loot from
those who were our enemies," says
Rev. Gilbert Reid. This "foreign
devil" is, according to his own shoe
ing, worse than the Boxers, for they
at least pretended to have a patriotic
purpose in expelling or killing all for
eigners who had invaded their coun
try and if any proportion of these for
eigners were like Gilbert Reid, they
certainly were fully Justified in doing
so.
It is one of the strange political
changes wrought as a result of the
new policy of expansion that an ad
ministration beaded by a statesman so
prominently identified with protection
as was Mr. McKinley should now be
organizing an effort to break down the
tariff walls for the purpose of open
ing new markets to American manu
facturers and of building up depen
dencies by opening our own markets
to the products of the islands of the
sea. It is a situation which Demo
cratic tariff reformers are Justified In
regarding with much satisfaction, since
it vindicates the principles for which
the Democracy battled for years.
Buffalo Courier.
What a 6harp revulsion of feeling
has taken place in tbe public mind
on the tariff question. When the Ding
ley tariff bill was passed it was the
boast of the Republicans that the tar
iff question was settled for a genera
tion and that it would be treason to
change it. The business Interests of
the country demanded a rest from tar
iff tinkernig. Now we have leading
Republicans advocating a revision and
a bill introduced wiping out one of the
principal schedules. It is true that
Hanna says the tariff will not be med
dled with, It being too scientifically
constructed to stand the strain, and
that reciprocity to a small extent
might be necessary. But Hanna Is
known to be in league with the trusts
and it is opposition to the trust mo
nopolies that will force tariff revision.
Sugar magnate Havemeyer In nls
testimony before the Industrial Com
mission was forced to admit that "the
tariff is the mother of the trusts."
