Cv
I
FAIRY TALES OF CHILDHOOD.
Bow dear to my heart fere the scene at mj
childhood,
With fairies and giants and wonderment
fraught;
How often I wept for the Babes In the Wild
wood Covered over with leaves which the little
birds brought.
And tweet Cinderella, whosejlsters would whip
her
Till the fairy god-mother sent her to the ball!
"What Joy when she fitted the little glass slip
per And married the good, handsome prince after
all.
My hair. It would stand right up straight from
my forehead
When Bluebeard found blood on the key
which hia wife
Had used to peek into that chamber bo horrid
But wasn't I glad when they took Blue
beard's life.
Dear little Bed Riding Hood: Who could be
sweeter
When she thro' the woods to her grandmoth
er sped:
Bow frightened 1 felt lest the big wolf would
eat her
When showing his teeth while she lay on the
bed.
And Hop-o'-my-thumb! What a smart littlo
, fellow
He was to strew pebbles to find his way
homo;
X jrnessed his bad uncle felt awfully mellow
When Hop and his brothers would buck strain
come.
Bold Jack and Beanstalk.' I shivered when
ever The giant said: "Fe-fl-fo-fum ! I smell blood,"
And held in my breath till Jack's hatchet could
sever
The stalk so the giant fell down with a thud.
And Jack. Giant Killer, so brave and defiant!
He wasn't afraid of old ogres a bit;
He shook his wee fist at that two-heaCed plant
Who, running to catch him, fell into Jack's
pit
Puss in Boots: How I listened In awe to that
story
Arid wondered If cats long ago were so wise;
And dear Sleeping Beauty who slept in her
glory
Cntii the nice prince came to open her eyes.
And tir.y Tom Thumb, on his mouse-horse a
rider.
With his HtlH sword needle! O, wasn't he
cute;
Bow bravely he vanquished that terrible
spider
A hero he was of most noble repute.
Beauty and th' beast also gave me a pleasure.
And Sin bad, the Sailor, and I'crty Thieves,
too.
And Aladdin, whose wonderful lamp was a
treasure.
And the Wooden Horse Eying aloft In the
blue.
Enchantment and fairies and magio and
witches,
HobgobllnB and dwarfs, genii, giants and
elves.
Kings, princesses, princes and queens and such
riches
Those story books mustn't be closed on the
shelves.
EL C. Dodge, in GoodaU's Sum.
A SMART CPtDIIXAL.
"Why Ho Secured an Easy Job In
tho Warden1 s 6Mce.
The train stopped for a few moments
at a small town and a young girl got in.
She was tall, slender and pretty, a true
village lass, dressed in a neat gown,
but one which, nevertheless, bore evi
dence of home manufacture. The
coach was rather crowded and she
looked this way and that for a seat,
'lhen her bright glance rested upon
two men seated in the rear of the coach,
and she gave an exclamation as she
came toward them.
"Why, George Coomer," she said, as
she stopped near the yonnger of the
two men and extended her hand cor
dially. lie was a good-looking young fellow,
dressed with great taste, and was evi
dently a friend of auid lang syne with
the young girL By his side was seated
an older man with coarse features, a
hard expression resting upon his face,
lie wore a slonch hat. lie was power
fully built and would evidently be a
hard man to handle where physical
force was called for. ,
"Why, little Grace Shaw." exclaimed
the young man. But he did not rise,
nor did he extend his hand. lie reached
over with his left hand and turned over
a seat.
"Won't you sit down here? he
asked.
"With pleasure. It is so long since I
have seen you. George."
"Yes, about ten years." Then allud
ing to his companion, he raid: "This
is this is my friend, Mr. Charles
Grove."
The young woman bowed stifHy, but
she made up her mind that she would
not like the companion of her old friend.
There was something forbidding about
Mm to her.
"What have you been doing, George,
since you left town?"
"Oh, a little of everything and a good
deal of nothing."
" It was unkind not to have let any
of your old friends hear from you all
this time."
"Well, a man is eo busy, or rather so
occupied in town with doing.what little
he has to do, that he "
"Forgets old friends, she added, re
proachfully. "Well, not exactly. But tell me about
yourself."
"There is nothing to telL I am
teaching school But you, we haTe al
ways wondered, all of us, how you
were getting on. Some of us said that
you were always so smart that you
would do very well in New York. Have
you done well?"
The young man laughed.
"Ask my friend here," he said.
"He has done very well," said the
gruff man. "Very well, indeed. He
is going to retire from business for a
few weeks just now and rest up a bit"
"How lovelyl Have you made yovx
fortune then, George?"
"Well, 1 am on the road.
"lie is going to live in on of tbebig
gest houses in the state," said the gruff
man.
"How finer
' "Sin art boy is George," chuckled the
other man.
Suddenly there was a jolt as the train
stopped, and a newspaper which had
been carelessly spread over the knees
of the two men fell to the floor. The
young girl gave an exclamation of ter
ror, for there sat the men handcuffed
Vo ether.
The young man recovered his suave
manner.
"Don't be alarmed. Grade," he said.
'You can now understand what he
meant when he said he was going to a
big house. I am going to take him
there. I am a United States marshal
and he is a criminal. That is all, so
cheer up, my girL"
The other man gave a grunt and a
snort.
"Well, I am blowed," he said.
"What has he done?" she asked, eye
ing him with terror.
"Oh, not very much. He is a gener
ally bad man. lie would as soon bur
glarize as sandbag a person; he would
as noon pick your pocket as run a faro
bank; he would just as soon enter a
front door and help himself as he
would to climb a porch. lie is simply
a good all-round crook, and 1 am tak
ing him to jaiL"
"Whew! whew!" whistled th other
man, regarding the young fellow with
amazement.
"But don't be alarmed, my dear. lie
won't be ugly to-day. He knows that
I've got him and he'll keep quiet. Just
hand me that newspaper, will you?
It is as well that people should not
know what bad company I'm in."
"Well, I've a good notion to punch "
began the other man.
"Ilow long is he sent up for?" asked
the young lady.
"Only five years, but he deserves ten,
and I wish they had given it to him."
"Is it possible?"
"Yes. In 1S33 he robbed a house of
six hundred and fifty-three dollars; in
ISSo he escaped from jail; in lSStl he
sa nd bagged a man and took his watch;
two years after he was running a
crooked gambling house, and now he
is sent up for forgery. lie is capable
of all the small vices, and a good many
of the big ones."
By this time the train had arrived at
the station where the young girl was
to leave the train.
"Well good-by, George," she said, ris
ing. "Good-by. Grade."
"I'm so glad to have seen you."
"And I, also. You are becoming
such a sweet, pretty girL"
'You don't think so?"
"Indeed 1 do."
"I'm so glad that you have done well
in the city, and I will tell all your old
friends."
"Yes, do."
"Ee careful of that man with you.
Aren't you afraid of him?"
"Oh. "no."
"Well, good-by."
"Good-by."
He extended his left hand.
"Shake!" he said.
She pat her pretty hand in his and
he gave it a pressure that made her
blush.
"Sorry I can't shake with the other
hand." he said, "but duty, you know,
duty"
"Yes."
"Good-by."
"Good-by."
"Don't forget to tell all the folks I
um doing well"
I won't"
'TAin prosperous and all that"
"No."
"Good-by."
"Good-by."
She was off, and now the train was
bowling on again.
The other man took a key from his
pocket and unlocked the handcuffs.
Then he fastened the end that had been
attached to him to the iron work of th
seat
"Now, Confidence Jim, if you meet
any more of your lady friends, just in
troduce this seat to them."
With that the other man walked into
a smoker and lighted a cigar, but he
kept his eyes upon the man who was
fastened to the seat But when the
warden of the jail heard of the sborj
he laughed. Then he gave the smooth
prisoner work in his own office. De
troit Free Press.
Philosophy from Foggy Bnttook
Er man dat kin tell whether he's
tired er jes' lazy has judicial qualifica
tions dat fits him nacherly fur da
s'preme bench.
When er man go'6 roun' askin fob,
advice de chances is 'bout seventeen ter
three dat he's jes' tryin ter put off git
tin' down ter business.
De school dat you larns in makes a
heap ob difference. No good comos ob
teachin' er boy his rifmetic fum a pol
icy slip
Er big glass di'mun" shirt stud ain't
got no raagnifyia powers. II its effect
am ter make de man dat stan's behin'
it look mighty smalL
Some men fin's hit mighty hahd ter
think sense an' talk politics simultu
ously. Don't gib too much 'tention ter fancy
'complishments. Er man gits erhead
much fuster by plJn walking5 dan he
kin by turnin' somersets. Washington
Star.
Unnecessary.
The Ainu, an uncivilized tribe on the
Island of Yezo, are not at all fond of
bathing. Indeed, they share the Chi
nese idea that it iB only dirty people
who need continual washing. They do
not regard themselves as dirty, and
therefore dispense with the uncleanly
habit
"You white people must be very
dirty," said an Ainu to a traveler as
the latter was preparing to take a
plunge into a limpid river, "as you tell
me you bathe in the river every day."
"And what about yourself 7" was the
question in turn.
"Oil." replied he. with an air of eon
tempt, "I am very clean, and have
never needed washing!" Youth's Com
panion. The Vonnjr Ides.
The small boy appeared at the coun
try school and the teacher, as a pre
liminary, had a talk with him.
"Well, my little man," he Bald, pleas
antly, "do you know why you came to
school?"
"Yss, sir."
"Tell me why?"
"'Cause mother 6aid X was In her
way all the time at homo, and she
didn't want the bother of me," and the
teacher subsided. T)c ire it Free Prats,
MfartTKi .More
GOOD GOVERNMENT.
The Chief Aim of the .Democratic Admin
istration. The braves of the Iroquois club met
in Chicago on the evening of Tuesday,
April 2, at a grand banquet in memory
of Thomas Jefferson, the father of dem
ocrats. Many democrats of national
reputation were present and spoke
upon the leading political questions of
the day. Among them was John E.
Russell, of Massachusetts, who, in re
sponse to the toast, "The Adminis
tration, Vigorous, Fearless, Democrat
ic," said:
"Mr. President awd Gentlemen: The fed
eral elections during the last administration
Show that at. soon as the policy of the party in
powei was developed it lost the confidence of
the people and was discredited and repudiated
to the end.
"Toe pressing necessity for repeal of all the
fiscal legislation of that period of reaction has
led to disquiet which now makes all delibera
tion seem slow. We must Judge the vigor of
the administration not by this natural Impa
tience of the people but by comparison with
other years.
"It Is a year last month since our party as
sumed the responsibility of government under
circumstances wnleh could not be more dis
coursing in time of peace. Four yea's previ
ous Mr. Cleveland had given the chair to his
successor with only one pressing difficulty ex
cessive taxation creating a large treasury sur
plus. Th. condition had been clearly put be
fore the country in the famous message to the
Fiftieth congress, which responded by the pas
sage of the Mills bill, a salutary measure re
jected by the republican senate
"Our opponents met the condition In their
way and at the end of lour years we return to a
change of uftairs so radical that the recital
seems inerediole. A treasury without a dohar
of working balance and loaded with obligaUons
deep bedded in laws: u tariff which has taken
the name of lis author because It id his Inven
tion of a new system to increase burdens while
It reduoes revenue by turning the stream of
tuxes from the people s treasury to the pockets
of individuals, corporations and trusts.
"The financial legislation, bearing the name
of Mr. faherniau. had worked adversely to the
expectation of Us trainers and had so Impaired
our credit abroad that our stock markets were
breaking down with securities sold for foreign
account and a financial panic was well
under way. These were the conditions Mr.
Cleveland and his cabinet were called to face.
"Never die the people expect so much; there
must be economy to make up four years of
waste; confidence, chiiied by reckless financial
measures, was to be warmed to lire, trade, fit
ful and feverish from excessive stimulation,
was to be restored to calm health, and, as ours
is a government not of men, but of laws, and
law ls the fruit of wise delay, time was ueces-
feary.
"Through the wboie administration of Mr.
Harrison there had been a steady aeciine in tne
values of agricultural products and in the rail
way traSlc of every part of tiie country. The
iron and steel market, the barometer of public
prosperity, had fallen until oue-third of the
furnaces of the country were cold. But uo fair
politician would attribute this solely to law, or
lack of it
"Unwise and extravagant as the legislation
of the Fifty-nrst congress was, prodigal as lis
appropriations for pensions, bounties, subsi
dies and public buildings, there were other and
deeper causes at work, involving the whole civ
ilized world, so closely are the nations bound
together in financial relations that under any
laws the currents of our trade would have been
disturbed and we couiu not avoid our share of
tne distress which has spared no part of the
trading world.
"It ls the common cry of partisanship to at
tribute the troubles of the past year to an elec
tion which implied a reduction of the taxes of
the people. If this were true. If in the second
century of our government a popular election
cannot be held and a change made in obedience
to the will of a great majority of the electors
without ruin to the business of tne country,
then our Institutions are a failure. No thought
ful, no patriotic citizen will make such an as
sertion. The business of the country is not carried
on by political parUes; it is based upon the re
sources of the continent, upon the farm, the
forest and the mine, and the daily toil of hum
ble men. When the farmer of the south, feel
ing the airs of the warm gulf, and looking out
upon the whitening cotton field, cries in dis
tress, and ls answered by the nortnwestern
wheal grower who stands upon his mortgaged
farm, a hopeless debtor amid his golden
sheaves, thre are deep causes of trouble that
only the shallow politician or the parllaan of
the hour would attribute to the changes sug
gested by an election
-The determination of the people expressed
In several elections to equalize taxation and
curb the power of privilege has not caused the
fall in the price of iron or of Silver. If the
whole fabric of protection was swept awray in
rude disregard of the two or three per cent of
our population who may possibly derive some
benefit from It. there would be no difference in
the value of the crops of tne country.
"We are dependent upon the world's market,
and the world in this generation has become a
small planet. The submarine cable, the screw,
propelling an Immense steel snip, aud the Suez
canal, have brought all lands into a dady
market, and tbe prehistoric races of the east,
whose customs and heredity antedate our
origin, jostle us in the world's markets. The
millions who from time immemorial have
crouched on the ground floor of a bamboo hut
in bronze nakedness, eaUng a handful of rice,
have their wheat and cotton handled by railway
and steamer, and compete with the products
of our sod In the world s markets. The result
of such competition was shown on the produce
exchange of this splendid city, which is the cre
ation of American farming. This condition,
which has not been prevented by the power of
protective tariffs. Las not come suddenly. It
has been the work of years. I speak of it as a
part of that serious embarrassment, difficul
ties which no administration since Lincoln
first took office has had to meet, and which we
are called upon to relieve by economy in ex
penditure, and by such changes of revenue
laws as will fulfill, so far as possible, these
democratic maxims that all the money the
people pay In taxes the government should re
ceive; that taxes should be bo laid as to bear
equally upon all parts of the country.
"In times of public distress and sharp parti
san criticism, it is hard to comply with the Im
patience of the people; but I assert that never
In our history has an administration moved
more rapidly in the correction of legislation.
Public confidence has been restored in our
financial situation; the federal elections law
has been fully discussed and repealed with the
general approbation of tbe people of every part
of the country who feel that the mildness of
government in the employment of dangerous
powers is no reason for their continuance. The
intrigue aud Jingoism which was the least ex
cusable trait of the Harrison adminlstraUon
and which has impaired our Influence. If it has
not lost the confidence of the South Americas
republics, has been fitly rebuked in the Hawai
ian matter; a revenue measure In accordance
with tbe orders of tbe pSjple has passed the
house and ls before the senate months earlier
than a tariff bill has ever before been presented
to that body; the appropriation bills have been
well advanced, unwise measures inflating the
currency have been prevented ana the treas
ury has been made secure in Its ability to re
deem the paper of the government. The same
contingency in Mr. Harrison's time was met by
the Sherman act. which shook our credit and
Intensified the panic of last summer.
"Let partisan critics look back into the his
tory of our government from the beginning and
see If at any time there has been a more rapid
response to the will of the people, or more fear
less and vigorous action upon tbe part of an ad
ministration. It ls a matter cf deep regret, I
doubt not, to every man here, that there has
been opposition In the senate, which has ex
posed our party to censure, and which has been
resented by the country. The house, coming
directly from the people and responsible to
them, has acted promptly, but the senate has
sorely tried the patience of the country.
"I am not here to Impeach tbe loyalty of any
demoorat to our administration, but faithful
support of party, when charged with the re
sponsibility of government, ls true patriotism;
It is loyalty to our country.
"In this view I do not understand the opposi
tion to legislation la toe senate, who we are
lean oriwJ
under the imperative orders of t&e people to
act In their be halt
"Failure to act. or half-hearted aotion, may be
dictated by local interests or may accomplish
Individual revenge, but It will be punished by
the voters.
"It ls the peculiar character of the demo
cratic party that It Is not sectional not divided
by geographical lines, not dependent for exist
ence upon success, not a party led by placemen,
but a thoroughly national party. It has had its
dark days, its long wandering in the wilder
ness. Its abasements and trials, but its un
quenchable vitality proves It the party of the
American people the same here in Illinois that
It is in Georgia or Texas or New Jersey or Con
necticut, springing from the warm heart of the
people and Invulnerable to the weapons of polit
ical warfare. It took its rise with the birth of
American liberty, and it will perish when that
liberty ls no more.
"Our administration ls thoroughly demo
cratic in the sense that it oame into power
without sectional appeal; it had the consent of
every part of the country. It was a triumph of
the people over politicians and classes, a pro
test against prlviiege.
"The JeSersonian idea is reliance upon ths
people and confidence in them
"Tne founders of the republic were not all in
agreement with democratic ideas; many of
them, nursed under the cold shadow of aristo-
cralic forms, distrusted the people; they
looked to Europe for instruction and models,
they deferred to wealth, education and well
born position. It was then that our party rose
under tne guidance of the brain that produced
the charter of American liberty) it came into
being to save the fruits of the revolution, to
curb the tendency to revert to t:ie government
of a class, and to raise the poor man to an
equality In the slate and fit him for the publlo
service.
"It taught that government is the creation of
the people, an instrument for tnetr us:, and
that It should be for the eijual benefit of sli; it
developed tne Idea that It is the best govern
ment that governs the least, that preserves do
mestic order and is strong for defense, but
which does not interfere with the pursuits of
the people. In such a government the delegated
power to tax is limited to the needs of govern
ment economically administered. It cannot
confer favors upou individuals or classes nor
assist them in their business by legislation, nor
can It create systems of agriculture, manufac
ture or trade.
"Gentlemen, tho administration and the men
who stand with It In congress are trying to re
store our goverument to the principles iroia
which ll has so far drifted. The great body of
the privileged class and the representatives of
the protected interests oppose and denounce it
beca-ise it ls striving to carry out JeSersonian
principles as history slates them and as we un
derstand their application to the present time.
The concentrated efiorts of enormous wea.ta
ana organized selfish interests are working
against us.
"Vh?n our opponents refer to the founders of
the republic it is only to claim that Uiey ap
proved of the system of indirect taxation.
They never approved of taxes for protection.
Taxation was for revenue, and all protection
was incidental to It. in their time there was no
accumulated wealth and tne only way to raise
revenue was upon imports; it was eo.ua! taxa
tion, Lecause there was then a nearer equality
of condition than the world had ever before
seen and the chief pursuits of the people wera
agriculture and commerce. How Jefferson and
Madison would act now may be judged from the
maxims of their policy. They took the best
methods at the lime under tne circumstances
to serve the people, but class legislation was
abhorrent to their democracy, and in that opin
ion we follow tnenx They would advocate a
system under which wealth would bear its
burden of taxation Cur great master, whose
birthday we now celebrate, says it all In lan
guage no one can improve:
" "With all these blessings what more is neo?s
sary to make us a happy and prosperous peo
ple? Sthl one thing a wise aud frugal gov
ernment, which shall restrain men from injur
ing one another, shall leave them free to regu
late their own pursuits of industry and improve
ment, and shall not take from the mouth of
labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum
of good government, and this ls necessary to
close the circle of our felicities. ' "
QUAINT MARRIAGE NOTICES.
A Carious Collection from Old
pers.
Married In England, Mr. Matthetv
Rousby, aged 21, to Mrs. Ann Taylor,
aged b'J. The lady's grandson was at
this equal udiod, and was five years
older than his grandfather. Salem
Mercury, October 21, 1TSS.
The loth inst,, Mr. William Checkley,
son of Rev. Mr. Samuel Checkley, of
Boston, was married to Miss Polly
Cranston, a young lady of genteel Ac
quirements and of a most Amiable Dis
position. Old Boston paper, December
19, 1703.
Thursday last, was married, at New
port, R. I., John Coffin Jones, Esq., of
Boston, merchant, to the truly amiable
and accomplished Miss Abagail Grant,
daughter of the late Alexander Grant,
Esq., a lady of real merit, and highly
qualified to render the connubial state?
supremely happy. Old Boston paper.
May 22. 1TSC
In Williamsburg, N. C, Maj. Smith,
of Prince Edwards, Vs., to Miss Char
lotto B. Brodie. This match, consum
mated only a few da3s since, was
agreed upon thirty-one years ago, at
Camden, S. C, when he was captured
at the battle of Camden; and, being
separated by war, etc.. each had sup
posed the other dead until a few months
since, when they accidentally met, and
neither plead any statute of limitation
in bar of the old bargain. Salem Ga
zette. July 19, 1S1L
Married. In this town, on Sunday
evening last, by Rev. Dr. Haven, Mr.
Mark Simes, Esq., Deputy Postmaster,
etc., to th Elegantly Pretty and Ami
ably Delicate Miss Mary Ann Blount,
youngest daughter of the late CapU
John Blount, of Little Harbour.
Genius of Hymen; power of fondest love:
In showers of bliss descend from worlds above.
On Beauty's rose and Virtue's manlier form.
And shield, ah. shield them both from time's
tempestuous storm.
Oracle of the day, Portsmouth, N. IL,
November 24, 179.
At Concord Ebenezer Woodword, A.
B., Citizen Bachelor of Hanover, N. II.,
to the Amiable Miss Robinson. At
Long-meadow, Mr. John M. Dunham,
Citizen Bachelor and Printer, aforesaid,
to the Amiable Miss Emily Burt The
promptness and decision which the
said citizens have shown
"In all the fond Intrigues of love"
is highly worthy of imitation, and ths
success that has so richly crowned their
courage and enterprise must be an in
vincible inducement to the fading pha
lanx of our remaining bachelors to
make a vigorous attack on some fort
ress of female beauty with a deter
mined resolution
"Ne'er to quit the glorious strife"'
'till, drest in all her charms, some
blooming fair Herself shall yield, ths
prize of conquering love. Boston, 1795.
X. Y. Journal.
Out of 3,500 newspaper clippings col
lected by Henry Romeike, of New York,
referring to the late George W. Childs,
only one had a mean thing to say about
him, and that one said that Mr. Childs
could not have been a true philanthro
pist because b left fortac of
000,000,
WHAT BCNNY IS DOING.
I
What is Booster Benny doing?
Hoosier Benny he ls gluing
One ear closely to the ground.
Hoosier Benny he is winking
In a way that shows he's thinking
Thoughts in every way profound,
What is Hoosier Benny doing?
Hoosier Benny he ls chewing
On the cud of politics;
And, while teaching school, he's peeping
Out the window and is keeping
Careful watch for 'yfi.
What ls Hoosier Benny doing?
Hoosier Benny he ls viewing
All that passes day by day.
He is far from overlooking
Any stew that's now a-cookimr
In a presidential way.
Watching Keed and Bill McKinley;
Smiling when they cover thinly
Movements in the doubtful states.
You can bet, thomrh. he ls living
In regret that he's not giving
Jobs in change for delegates.
Washington News.
M'KINLEY'S OPENING.
The Tin Napoleon's Inauguration of His
Presidential Campaign. ;
The series of speeches delivered by
Mr. McKinley at Minneapolis were ac- ,
cepted by his hearers, and doubtless
intended by himself, as the opening of
the presidential campaign of 1396. It
is an early start, and too early a start ;
has its perils, but that is his affair.
Mr. McKinley is a bold man to stand
np and discourse of "the calamities
which he has been chiefly instrumental
In bringing on the country. He is a
bold man to seek to lay them on the !
democrats. If we could conceive of .
Paris, had he survived the Trojan war, ;
standing amid the ruins of Ilium and '
laying all the blame for the desolation
around him upon the unreasonable jeal-
ousy of Menelaus, on the one hand,
and the reckless daring of Hector, on
the other, we might find something
like a parallel to the nerve of McKin
ley. But we are not driven to the bor
derland of myth for such a parallel.
When Nero, after firing the city of
Rome, and fiddling while the conflagra
tion was in progress, came forward
when the desolation was complete, and
said the Christians were the cause of
the whole trouble, he furnished Mr.
McKinley with a historical precedent
perfect in all its details, with a single
exception, namely, that Nero knew
what he was doing, while we cheer
fully give Mr. McKinley the benefit of
the assumption that he had not the re
motest idea that he was playing with
fire when he struck the industries and
the prosperity of the country so fatal a
blow. We might also note that Nero
Bpared his impoverished people the in
fliction of four speeches in a single
da3-; but then Nero was not a candidate
for the presidency.
If anyone doubts that Mr. McKinley
was the chief agent in bringing on the
panic of 1893 he has only to remember
that it was admitted on all sides last
summer that the Sherman act caused
the panic. Now, it has since come to
light that the Sherman act would never
have passed had it not been necessary
1 to the passage of the McKinley bill. If
Mr. McKinley had devised a rational
tariff bill, such as the republican lead
ers in the northwest had promised the
1 peopl; in 19&, no bargain would have
, been necessary to secure its passage,
i By framing a bill so outrageous that
. his own party would not agree to it
1 without a bargain, Mr. McKinley
i brought upon the country all the woes
I that attended and followed the panic
i of 1S33, as well as that are yet to fol
: low.
j In declining to criticise the tariff bill
' in detail, Mr. McKinley acted the part
; of wisdom. He follows the republican
'. platform in asking for a tariff that will
j cover the difference between wages in
! this country and wages abroad. It
( would be rather difncult. we imagine,
for him to find any article of impor
; tance on which the rate is not sufficient
to cover the difference in the cost of
' labor. Though the republicans laid
! down this rule, they have not been will
i ing to abide by it. When Mr. McKin
; ley introduced his bill four years ago
' he said in the accompanying report
j that in no case had the rates been made
higher than was necessary to cover dif
ferences of cost in the United States
: and in foreign countries. This was
shown to be untrue in innumerable
. instances, but Mr. McKinley would not
i on that account agree to any abatement
in rates.
I When Mr. McKinley dilates on the
j benefits of reciprocity he raises the
j question why he put his bill through
j the house without any reciprocity in
j it. The reciprocity scheme, such as it
I is, is not his work. It was added after
i the bill went to the senate in conse
1 quence of a suggestion from Mr. Blaine,
j though Mr. Blaine's scheme of reci
! procity was rejected and another sub
! stituted. Thi6 fact might not be so
j important were it not for the fact that
Mr. McKinley is a candidate for the
' presidency on the basis of his bilL He
should, therefore, confine himself to
such things as he put into the bill with
out compulsion from the senate. The
J scheme of reciprocity is not a success
as a whole, and any slight benents
that may have resulted from some of
its features cannot be credited to Mr.
McKinley. It was devised to reduce
the balance of trade against this coun
try with sugar-producing countries,
which it has wholly failed to do, but,
on the contrary, has increased the bal
ance very largely. Louisville Courier
Journal. There is no loss of vitality in
democratic principles and there can be
none as long as the teachings of Jeffer
son are accepted and a great political
party remains to revere his memory.
Tem',orary adverse majorities of false
and delusive issues arc not a test of the
genuine and lasting faith of the peo
ple. The majorities will come right as
a clearer intelligence prevails in the
popular mind, and as the progress of
truth is accelerated by appropriate in
strumentalit'es. Chicago Herald.
Thomas B. Reed's sarcasm on the
parsimony of the present congress
would be more cutting if it came from
somebody else than the chief figure of
Reed's billion-dollar congress. Bo6ton
Herald.
! I IV .
CREATED BY M'KINLEYISM.
(senator Voorheea Arraignment of High,
Tarlrr m tne senate.
"The appalling legislation of 1S90.
known as the McKinley law, created a
necessity for relief more immediate and
absolute than was ever before known
in American history, and the peo
ple issued their instructions at the
ballot box accordingly. At the 6ame
time the riotous extravagance of
the party then in power, taking an
overflowing treasury from an outgoing
democratic administration in March.
1SS9, and leaving it practically bank
rupt four years later, imposed upon
those who are now responsible for the
support of the government the imperi
ous duty of providing against ugly de
ficiencies and impending national dis
honor. In reaching results of such,
magnitude and importance as these,
and in carrying out the interests and
declared wishes of toiling millions as
contradistinguished from powerful and
favored classes, obstacles have of
course been encountered, gigantic in
size, arrogant, insolent, dictatorial, and
in some instances sinister, perfidious
and dishonest in character. This fact
could not be otherwise under the pro
tective system which has for so many
years prevailed in this country.
"Manufacturing interests, which a
hundred years ago were indeed and in
fact in their infancy and were nursed
and fostered while yet in the cradle of
their birth, are now the colossal task
masters of the whole people, command
ing tribute from every day's labor be
neath the sun, haughtily striding the
corridors of this capitol and issuing
their edicts -in the tones of dictators
for or against the enactment of pend
ing measures in the halls of congress.
Those who own and represent these
swollen and arrogant interests do not
hesitate to declare on what terms a bill
vitally affecting seventy million of peo
ple will be permitted to become a law,
aud in default of what provisions for
financial profits to themselves they
will insure its defeat. The only policy,
the only request of a practical protec
tionist is to be let-alone in the enjoy
ment of the highest duty and the fat
test bounty the government can give
He makes himself an obstacle to
change, from no other or higher con
sideration than sordid, brutal selfish
ness. "To the thoroughly protected and
self-complacent American manufac
turer, sole master of his own markt't
and incarnation of human selfishness,
his enforced customers, those to whom
he sells at his own protected price,
have a value, as slaves once had to
their owners. Not more than four
day6 in the week belong to the laborer
himself under tariff laws as they now
stand; every hour of the other two days
is absorbed in paying the manufac
turer's increased prices on the neces
saries of life which a protective tariff
guarantees.
"Can there be any wonder that pro
tected classes, and protected individ
uals, who have been, as it were, taken
Into partnership by the government,
every one of them, should break out
into vehement protest and angry out
cry when tomched and disturbed by the
spirit of reform and equitable legis
lation? "The enactment of the McKinley
law in was a gigantic crime not
only against every workingman and 1
workingwoman in the United StatesR
but also against every individual man-M
ufacturer and against all manufactur
ing interests. It was not so designed
by its authors, but such was its real
and inevitable character. It declared
a policy so flagitious in principle, so
rotten in morality and so ravenous in
its exactions on the absolute wants of
life that its possible duration was only
a question of time when the next elec
tion by the people should occur, and
yet the vast manufacturing interests
of the country were tempted and se
, duced into accepting its delusive bribes
' and into an eager adjustment of them
selves to its alluring though evanescent
and short-lived provisions.
"Our purpose is to replace the law of
1H90 with a measure of reform, safe,
conservative and harmonious in itself,
and to which all the wholesome and
legitimate industries of the country
will speedily adapt themselves, and
tenaciously cling for secure develop
ment and undisturbed fjrowth in the
future. If this can bo done without
needless delay an era of prosperity will
dawn upon all the diversified interests
: of the country Buch as has never been
surpassed in our history.
I "Of the more than 6ix million of peo
' pie employed in the manufacturing es
tablishments of the entire country
from ocean to ocean, not one has ever
appeared before congress, or any com
' mittee of congress, or made response in
any public meeting, stating that his
emp.oyer, upon the enactment of high
er rates of duty on imports, ever gave
or suggested to give him a farthing's
increase of pay for his work."
The Pnlcidal Mania,
i The suicidal mania affected the re
' publicans four years ago when they de
vised the McKinley bill, the Sherman
law and the force br.L Their defeat
. in 1S90 counted for nothing, and in 1S92
i they came up Bmiling, insisting that
the people did not know what they
j were about before, and reasserting
; their old claims to be the friends of
American labor and the only people fit
' to govern the country. They were
! beaten again, but have learned noth
! ing. Having precipitated a panic of
J the worst kind, they admitted that the
Sherman act caused the trouble, but as
soon as its repeal was effected straight
: way denied vhat they had before as
: serted, and are now relying on plain
! mendacity for future success. They
I manifest a disposition to put up Mr.
McKinley, one of the chief authors of
; the prevailing distress, as their candi
date for the presidency. The mania
: for self-destruction is evidently still
: strong upon them. Louisville Courier
j Journal.
Gov. McKinley paused in Chicago
long enough the other day to declare
that the Coxey movement on Washing
ton had no political significance. It
shows that the McKinley law, de
signed to make millionaires and
tramps, is. "still talking." Chicago
Herald.
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