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About The Plattsmouth journal. (Plattsmouth, Nebraska) 1901-current | View Entire Issue (June 25, 1903)
i Amm , KA-OAAELL fOUX,, 1 MllMiA f W HVyl - MFmiALISM I ANTI-TKU5T 4 Commoner The h;iicfh nr our party. like tti (banco; if ;tll parties, depend upon thru- Ihir.fcs: I'irst. upon the pirty's tiltHiutc upon public questions; second, upon the knowledge which the people Iia irpr .11 those ciucstions, and third, upon I h fme'illons. industrial ami olb crwb. prevailing at the time. The- tiirt. namely, the party's atti tude. Ii; iilirciy with tlie control of the party. Tin- puity rnnst take the pewi tioit which the voters of the party lie lieve to Ik I Tie correct position, anil it it would e!r;w honest men to it. it must not nly tnke ;m honest position. but tale the io..lt!.n honestly, li miwt not oily h:ive principles. hut It must hpply lho-c principles in all question upon which the officials to lm chosen ct the eleet'C'ns are to act. It is tic t possible at this time to rtiunu rsle HI the questions that may fi-ter into the campaign, because the incidents of f day may inject an issuv inti the campaign. Neither is it pos sible to slide I he relative importance, of issues. I: i -oise circumstance may tciu Mtrrily t bun he their relative position. The ijM(..-tio:i ' imperialism must nec essarily le- an issue in the next cam paign milo-h Ihe republican paity be fore Ihiit time decides to apply Ameri can i i:u i,j!c s to the Philippinl.-.!uiis-ran print iplc m to the Ph ill pin- quewt on. or unlit-s ihe democratic paily before that time derides to apply European principles to American questions. It is impossible for this nation to pprmme nlly indorse two theories of r,vf riunent. It can not always admin ister cotf-nies upon the theory that gov cinmtnls rest upon a basic force, nud ft Ihe Mine time administer a repub lic eu Ihe theory that "governments de rive Ihclr just power from the eem.nt of the governed." There i- an irrepressible- conliiet between these two theories of government, and that con flict must continue until we abandon imperialism iu the orient or establish It in Ihe United States. Thi:; issue transcends HI other issues in import ance. The Kansas City platform de dared it f t le the paramount Issue, and it must be so considered unless we have lost our love of llbery and keif-government. The Irnsl question, which in the cam paign of IJ.iM was regarded as the epies tio.t of second Importance, haw grown in important e. first, because, cf the in creasing number, and. second, lee-aine the unwillingness cf the republican paily to t!el with the question ettee t tly has become more apparent. Pri vnfe nuaooi:es are either right or wrong. If they are right, no attempt should le made to destroy I hem; if they pre wrong the party that defends thrn will ultimately be forced into re tirement The Kansas City platform declared private monopolies io be "in derens'.blc and intolerable." and that plank is sound today as it was when ft vss adopted. The trusl issue must cutupy prominent place iu the next ra-npaign unless the republican party llspss of the question (as it is not likely t' do) by a vigorous and compre hensive Ikw, er unless the member.- of the deint latic party are converted to the theory thai the interests of the pe-plc- re safer in the hands of a few trust magiutU lhin under the former system The mi nc y question was declared to te the question of paramount irnjMrt-anc,r- in While ie positicui as- s:-it(d el ('iiiftigo was maintained four eus later, the money question was tuibo.dliii-lnl to the queytion cf imper ialist! and lo the trust question for Feteifl reasims: First, because the quest io i of Imperialism was a heart. l;sase. while other questions only af fect d the distribution of wealth: sec ond, because of the rapid development of the trot-t system, and. third, because an nnfxpeclrrt increase in the produc tion c f gold, unusual crops and abnor nil conditions, had largely increased our money s-upply and thus t becked that fall e.f j-rices which had forced the mono c.uestion into prominence. The inc. tensed production of gold did not ansvrr Ihe theoretical argument in fawr of bimetallism, but it lessened the force cf the argument based upon the s arc ily of gold. The unusual crops aud the eypani-ion of paper money gave to lh!s; ?i:.l;on an extraorri. nary-share of the vor'd's 1'iotjey, while abnormal con ditio is, :nng them wars in both aem Is.iheics. ii.creRsed the money in cir iiilatic, i by borrowing from the future for present expenditures. The waning of the Cleveland boom is convincing proof that the sucker fish is nit good this year. Pf rhcip-i Mr. Mac hen Is al.o in a po Flt'o i In do a little in the line of pulling down republican temple pillars pressed to it. if A subsc ribe r asks for a poem written ly Joaquin Miller in which occur the wore!?, "There was work to be done, theie 'was death in the air." If any reader of the Commoner has a copy cof the porm mentioned and will nend It to t?e publisher, it wi!l be forwarded Democratic Seed Time. Comment If the money changers were not more interested in scarce money than in any particular kind of money even gold; IF the increased production of g jld had been sufficient to replace the silver coin of the world; IF we could I)? assured that the increase would be permanently sufficient to meet the an nual requirements In industry; and IF there were no other phases of the money question except the metallic phase. but for these "ifs" the money question might be laid away entirely. But the financiers who want the gold standard now, wanted it in 1890, yes. even in 1880 lortg before increased production of gold brought a modicum of relief from falling prices. If they are allowed to control the government, they will find some way of denying to the people the benefits of a sufficient .-supply cf even gold. Then. too. the production of gold has not been sufficient to replace the silver in use. Out of the annual production of sold we must first take the amount used iu the arts, destroyed by abrasion and lo.st. and then we must deduct the amount necessary to provide for the annual increase in business, and only that which remains can be used to re place the silver used as money. There i.4 an additional use that could be made )f gold, namely to replace an enor mous quontity of uncovered paper. It will be seen, therefore, that there is no justification for the sanguine hopes ex pressed by those superficial students of the money question who have jumped to the conclusion that the new discov eries of gold ushered in a universal gold standard. Even if the present supply of gold wa3 much greater than it is even if it were great enough to replace the silver in use and give us all the metallic money that we need for the present there is no assurance that the pres ent output will continue or that it will increase as rapidly as the world's bus iness increases. History has shown that the discover ies of the precious metals have been spasmodic.) There was a large increase of the world product of silver just af ter the discovery of America; there was a. large Increase in the world's produc tion of gold in the years immediately following 1849; there was a large in crease in the production of silver In the seventies, and now the supply of gold is Increasing. No one can speculate with any certainty about the produc tion of the precious metals. Old mines are exhausted today, new mines are found tomorrow!! and the production of both metals is constantly fluctuating. There is no certainly that either metal will now. or ever, supply the demand for money. Carlisle in 1S79 said that the world would be fortunate indeed if the supply of both metals furnished enough metallic money, and in spite of the new discoveries of gold Mr. Car lisle's remark might be repeated today. Congress is constantly dealing with the questions affecting silver and the quantity of money. But the question of greatest practical importance in con nection with the subject of money re mains to be considered namely, that relating to the other phases f the money question. ."Ven if the question of metallic money could be laid aside (which it can not be). It must be re membered tnat we still have to deal with the paper part of the money ques tion. The contest between bank paper and government paper is as irreconcil able as the contest between monometal lism and bimetallism, and naturally the division is along the same lines. The advocates of the gold standard, almost without exception, prefer government paper. Why? Because the former Iook at the money question from the stand point of the money changer, and the latter from the standpoint of the people as a whole. Secretary Shaw has point ed out taat the maintenance of a bank currency compels us to decide whether we wish to perpetuate debt as a basis for currency or are ready to provide "some other basis." "Some other basis' means as asset currency. The men elected to offiffice in 19"4 whether they be senators, holding six years, ex ecutive offifficers holding four years, or congressmen holding two years, will have to deal with this phase of the money question. Space forbids an ex tensive discussion of this subject at this time, but suffice it to say that an asset currency must rest. rst. upon the unsubstantial basis of a?se.ts alone. The editor of the Commoner is in re ceipt of numerous inquiries in regard to the good roads movement. All de siring information on thi3 subject are invited to communicate with W. H. Moore. 140 La Clede building. St. Louis. Mo. He is president of the National Good Roads association and is pre pared to furnish literature or answer question respecting the matter. The Mississippi river seems deter mined to convince those "engineers" that their levee system la a dismal failure in every resprct save providing easy money for political favorites. Used by courtesy of The Commoner. which would throw the risks upon the holder of the paper, or sec ond, upon the government which would make all the people bear the expenses while the bankers reap the profit or. third, upon al lthe bankers, which would make well managed banks responsible for the loss of badly managed banks. Besides dealing with the subject of paper money, congress must consider the disposition of public funds; it must decide whether the surplus in the treas ury shall be kept down to a point where it will reasonably meet unexpected ex penses, or shall be largely in excess of any possible need and be loaned out to favorite banks. The money question can not be elim inated from politics until avarice is eliminated. While the campaigns of 1884. 1888. and 1892 were ostensibly fought upon the tariff question, the financiers were secretly scheming to carry out plans which they did not dare to discus's openly, and so an attempt to eliminate the money question today would not succeed because it would be ever present in the minds and in the plans of the financiers. To propose the elimination of the money question is. when rirght understood, merely an at tempt to deceive the public in order that they may be led blindfold into the trap and snares of the money magnates. The tariff question has been an issue of greater or less importance in all of the campaigns since the civil war, and emphasis has been given to it by the fact that it has been used as a shelter for many monopolies. The democratic position upon the tariff question has not changed. It was the same in 1896 when it was but little discussed as it was in 1892, when it was the paramount issue. The democratic party is op posed to a protective tariff levied solely for the purpose of protection; it is in favor of a tariff levied for revenue and limited to the necessities of the gov ernment. The party must also maintain its po sition upon those great and far-reaching questions which especially concern the lobaring man. The democratic par ty is essentially the laboring man's par ty, for it is composed almost entirely of those who by brain and muscle contrib uate to the nation's strength and gTowth. It has lost, and naturally so, those who consider the public as a legitimate object of prey, and those, on the other hand, who are content to flat ter Dives in the hope of getting a larg er proportion of the crumbs that fall from his table. The campaign of 1896 rid the democratic party and it was no small gain of both the corrupt and the corrupting element, and the cam paign of 1900 lopped off those who had become lukewarm in their support of the fundamental principles of govern ment, while in both campaigns the party made accessions from the most democratic element of the republican party. The democratic party must stand for justice to all. sdnce the interests of the laboring man are most threatened now, its guardianship of his interests must be open and steadfast. The laboring man needs shorter hours in order that he may have more time with his family, more time for intellectual pursuits, and more time to gather the information necessary for intelligent citizenship. The laboring man needs arbitration for the settlement of difficulties which at present can only be settled by the clum sy and expensive method offered by the strike. He needs protection from gov ernment by injunction, in order that he. like other citizens, may enjoy the safeguard of trial by jury. In other words, he needs to be protected in "the enjoyment of life, liberty and the pur suit of happiness." and the democratic party must be his champions wherever his interests are assailed. The interests of the farmer, the mer chant and the professional man ought to be as jealously guarded as the inter ests of the laborer. The party's posi tion on tne question of imper'alism. on the trust question, on the mo;iey ques tion and on the tariff questio n ought in the future, as at present, to rriarantee to all that protection which comes from fearless application to all branches and departments of the government of tie Jeffersonian maxim of "equal r'ghts to all and special privileges to r.one." It was said In the beginning that all party success depended in part upon the knowledge which the people had of public questions. Every campaign speech addressed to voters, every edi torial discussing public questions, as v.ine3 not only that parties appeal to the judgment of the voter, but that Mr. Tulloch is proceeding in a way calculated to earn for him the hearty dislike oi the gentlemen who regard public office as a private snap. Wisconsin republicans are so busy throwing bricks at each other that they have no time to devote to the work of assisting the reorgantzers to republicanize the democratic party. The country is waiting to hear the president rebuke those postal thieves with something like the severity he ex hibited when he rebukd th iraptuous youth who shoutd "Hello. Teddy!" parties .rely upon' the enlightenment of the voter upon the questions at issue. The democratic party has been handi capped In recent campaigns by the fact that so many of the papers purporting to be democratic papers looked upon as exponents of party principles have been controlled by corporate influences hostile to the interests of the masses. When the crisis came in 1896 and the lines were drawn between the demands of plutocracy and the rights of the peo ple, these papers deoerted and threw their influence to the republican party. As soon as the campaign of 1896 was over they at once claimed a place at the head of the democratic army, and asserted that the party not only should, but would, assume against the same po sition of subserviency to organized wealth that it occupied under the sec ond Cleveland administration. Not only were democrats in one section of the country misled as to tne sentiments of democrats elsewhere, but republicans who were dissatisfied with their party's policy were given to understand that the democratic party contemplated no real reform. This misrepresentation of cratic position continued for four years, and then, in spite of the misrepresenta tion, the democratic voters met in their several states and indorsed the Chicago platform only two states and terri tories out of the whole number failing to make such indorsement. During the campaign of 1900 some of the pa pers that left us in 1896, having been punished severely for the apostacy by democratic principles and of the demo their subscribers, gave a nominal al legiance to the ticket, but most of those that gave this nominal allegiance de stroyed the value of their support by constant attacks upon the demoncratic position. As soon as the election was over, the papers that had remained out side of the party as well as those which had ostensibly returned to it, again renounced, in chorus, nearly all that was fundamental in the party creed. They again assumed charge and de manded repentence on the part of the democratic voters. That misrepresentation is still going on. and as a result some well-meaning democrats have been led to believe that the party can not succeed without a surrender of its position, and republi can reformers have been repelled from rather than attracted to the party. Truth is omnipotent, but even truth must be scattered broadcast if it is to bring forth a bountiful harvest. Most of the so-called democratic dailies have lamentably failed to scatter the seeds of democratic truth. Most of them have spent more time apologizing for the democratic position or criticising those who have been loyal to the party than they have in presenting democratic truth or in challenging republican er ror. If the papers which were consid ered democratic up to 1896 had. during the years since 1896, spent as much time in expounding and defending the democratic position as the republican papers have spent in expounding and defending the republican position, the party would be much nearer to a de cisive and permanent victory. The third influence to be considered is the effect of industrial and local conditions. The Homestead riot great ly aided the democratic party in 1892. while the good crops between 1896 and 1900. and the nuexpected increase in the production of gold, largely helped the republican party in the campaign of 1900. That temporary conditions of ten decide a national election is well recognized. Testimony recently pro duced shows that when President Mc Kinley, when a candidate for re-election in 1900 sent a special representa tive to the head of the anthracite coal trust and urged the settlement of the coal strike or the fear that a continua tion of the strike would jeapord?ze his party's chances. That good times help the party in power and that panics injure the party in, power is admitted by all. The panic of 1873 resulted in such an enormous change in sentiment that Tilden had a popular majority in 1S76, notwithstanding the large ma jority secured by Grant in 1872. It is impossible for any one to fore cast the crop conditions or to phophesy with certainly in regard to the indus trial or financial conditions that may develop before that time, and it is therefore impossible for any one to speak with certainly as to the demo cratic prospects in 1904. As the farmer eows his seed and cultivates his crop, taking his chances on the seasons to enlarge or diminish the yield of his land, so the democratic party must plant the seed which it thinks best and cultivate it with assiduous care by the propagation of democratic doctrine, trusting to conditions to either hasten or retard the party's progress. Those who fear to sow or fail to cultivate, can not hope to harvest a bountiful crop in the domain of politics any more than they can in the realm of agriculture. In answer to your inquiry, therefore, permit me to say that while no one has the power to foretell the result of the election of 1904, the democratic party and by that I mean not a few leaders, but the voters of the democratic party should apply democratic principles to all questions, should present demo cratic arguments to all who will read or listen, and face the future with con fidence, assured that whetner transient conditions and changing circumstances shall be favorable or unfavorable, truth will finally triumph and every righte ous principle be ultimately established. (The above was written in reply to inquiry from the Statesman, published in Austin, Tex.) The fact that the Philippine govern ment is about to sell the opium monop oly to the highest bidder should create some interest in the Des Moines con gressional district. President. Hull of the Philippine Lumber and Develop ment company still holds a position enabling him to get in on the inside. A London dispatch to the New York World says that the World's corres pondent has learned from "the high est authority that under J. Pierpont Morgan's will all his collections of art and treasures will pass to the Ameri can nation, and not to his son." This, it is added, "may form the basis of an agreement under which the collection may be brought into the United States duty ree." If Mr. Morgan will bring them in and pay the duty on them, the government will collect enough money to buy an art collection of its own. Filipino bands are allowed the play the "Aguinaldo March" provided they Immediately follow it with "Star Span gled Banner." The carpet-bag govern ment of the Philippines is doing its best to prove to the Filipinos its supe rior wisdom. With a trust advocate addressing the Kudents of Minnesota, and an apos tle of brute force advising the students of Nebraska, liiere' is no lack of repub lican campaign thunder, even when the people have reason to expect some thing educational. STOP THE EXTORTION HOW PROTECTION HARMS FARM ER AND WOR KINGMAN. Goth Classes Heavily Taxed by tie Tariff and Its Product, the Trusts Agriculturists Have to Pay la creased Prices for All They Buy. The trusts are blaming the in creased cost of their products on the workingmen, who, they say, are de manding unreasonably high wages. As the cost of living has Increased on an average about 40 per cent In the last few years, mostly in consequence of the advance in the price of trust pro ductions, it Is difficult to see why the K'orkingmen should not get that much increased wages, but wages have only been advanced about 12 per cent. Wages not having kept pace with the cost of living and the trusts and com bines having refused in many cases to increase them, the result has been the innumerable strikes to force them to do so. Wages thus being forced higher will increase the cost of pro duction and the trusts will have to again advance prices and then labor will be compelled to make further de mands. How far this increase in wages and the price of trust products may go is problematical, but it is cer tain that those who have a fixed in come or those who cannot force an increase of wages, are great suf ferers by the increased cost of living and perhaps a majority of the people of the United States are in this condi tion. To them the halcyon days of the trusts mean a lack of prosperity and a difficulty in making their income furnish them a decent living. Monop oly with its insatiate maw is devour ing their, substance, yet those of them who are Republicans still cling to the fetich protection that is the main cause of their suffering. If the tariff on trust productions was abolished the fear of competition would compel the combines to lower the prices of their products to prevent the impor tation of foreign made goods. Reduc tion in prices would enable the work ingmen to spend more money on lux uries, and business in many lines would improve. It is preposterous to answer that there would be an influx of foreign goods, which would shut up our factories, for the trusts are competing with the foreigners on their own ground and underselling them. If, as is sometimes claimed, the exports of trust productions are sold at a loss and are merely the surplus that cannot be sold at home, why this anxiety for foreign markets and the boast of the Republicans that the largely increased exports exhibit our wonderful prosperity? Business done at a loss cannot long continue, and to make the home customer pay in creased prices to carry it on is an im position upon the American consumer. The farmers whose products are not protected and whose surplus crops must be sold in the markets of the world, have just begun to feel the in creased cost of what they have to buy. They find the good prices for agricul tural products is being offset and the margin of profits decreasing. With good crops all over the world the prosperity of the farmer would disap pear, for the prices of farm products Is entirely established by supply and demand. They have no trust or com bination to keep up prices, and any attempt to organize for that purpose will fail because it would not include even a minority of the farmers. The price of every bushel of wheat is fixed by the demand for the surplus after the people of the United States have been supplied. Bad crops in Europe means increased demand for American wheat, and good crops there forces the prices down. Other agricultural products of the United States, of which a surplus is raised, are governed in value in like manner. Protection to the trusts through the tariff is therefore a constant menace to the farmer and workingman alike, and trust prices are a uniform tax upon their incomes. The trusts must be made to compete with their prod ucts in the markets of the world, as the farmer is compelled to do, by re moving the tariff protection. The New Republican Way and the Old. , As the constitution does not follow the flag into the Philippines, of course our subjects there lack many other good things that go with freedom. There is no trial by jury in that be nighted land and the many officers can act as judges and anyone is lia ble to be convicted of a crime that an enemy can trump up against him. The Declaration of Independence is a for bidden document that can only be read in secret. The newspapers are sus pended and their editors thrown into prison if they unfavorably criticize the doings of the powers that be. Even the plays that show the Filipino side favorably are suppressed by the gov ernment, and the author and actors are liable to be punished for sedition. Does any old Lincoln Republican think that that such a condition of affairs could have continued under the martyr President? Would Lincoln, who said, "No man is good enough to govern another man without that oth er's consent." have allowed such under his administration? Daniel Webster said: "An arbitrary government may rule distant territories by different laws and different systems. We can do no such thing." Is that sentiment any less true to-day than when it was uttered? The confidence of our Porto Rican subjects in American justice has about vanished, since the army and navy of ficials have . escaped punishment for smuggling and the Porto Ricans who committed the same crime are in the penitentiary. The greatest surprise they experienced was that President Roosevelt should have encouraged this favoritism. Presidential Diplomacy. What does the President mean when he said in his San Francisco speech: "The events of the last few years have shown that whether we wish it or not we must play a great part in the world," and then appealed to his hearers for a gigantic navy that we might be ready to fight for what we possess? Is the President, with his quixotic temperament, spoiling for a fight, or has he any Information that leadr, him to suspect somo Xortlgn power Intends to coerce us? liOng be fore the Roosevcltlan ora. when we had but a few wooden frigates, no European nation dared to attack us, though the Monroe doclrlnei doeply of fended them. Nor are they likely to In the future, unlesB we force them Into a Quarrel. The President cannot declare war, that extraordinary power Is reserved to Congress alone, but he has the prerogative to carry on diplo matic relations with other countries and could bring about a state of af fairs that would only end In war. It Is a great power, and that Is tho reason that the American people have always used the greatest circumspection In selecting their presidents. The dash and vivacity of President Roosevelt and his erratic disposition may have led him into an indiscre tion and his loud declaration that we must prepare for war may mean noth ing for the Immediate future be hoped so. It is to Curious Weather Phenomena. Whilo the drouth throughout most of New York state is unprecedented for this season of the year tho prev einitation in the vicinity of Wall street has been greater than for sev eral years past. The loss of prosper ity values and life there is said to bo verv cre;at and the flood of water from the cloudbursts of numerous and most promising prosperity corpora tions is so hiah that it reaches to the tops of twenty-story buildings and has washed away many "cats and dogs" out of the offices there. The devastation has been great, amounting in value to perhaps one billion dol lars to those not on the right side of the street or market. It is feared that the great current of muddy and bad smelling water now running through Wall street may change tho direction of the tide of prosperity and make it one of adversity. It is certain that much of the damage Is irreparable. It is too bad to have our unrivaled Republican high tariff prosperity washed away so suddenly and without warning. Bad boy Allison: "When I get all these eggs sucked that old hen can set on the empty shells until dooms day. It will be innocent amuse ment for her and entirely harinlusr to the Republican party." Far-Seeing Protectionists. The Chicago Evening Post, a staunch Republican paper, has no trouble in seeing "protection" in for1 eign countries in its true light, but is blind as a bat when looking at short range at the same plundering system. It says: "Of all the puerile and silly comments on the Chamberlain pro posal to revive the infamous corn laws and starve the masses for the bene fit of a few landlords and decaying industries the silliest is that which represents it as a tribute to the United States and a vindication of 'our' protective policy." It hardly needs saying that intelligent protec tionists are not guilty of any such childish twaddle. It is well known that staunch American protectionists have fully recognized the economic impossibility of a protective system under the material, climatic, indus trial, and commercial conditions pro vailing in the United Kingdom." Protection Logic. The American Economist of May 29, quotes the Hannibal (Mo.) Courier-Post as saying that "high prices for commodities are as much the rule in England as in the United States." We were not before aware that this little Missouri paper was an author ity on international commerce. How ever, accepting its statements, will the organ of the protected manufac turers please tell us why, if prices are as high in England as here, we need Dingley duties to keep English goods out of this country? Why, in spite of high duties on most of these goods, did we last year import more than $180,000,000 worth of goods from England? When the Economist has answered these simple questions we will propose some more. Spoils of Presidential Trip. It required a number of vans to transfer from the special train to the White House the presents that President Roosevelt received on his campaign trip, the animals alone be ing numerous enough to start a good sized menagerie, beginning with bears down to tame badgers. But the most important acquisition was the chinch on the Western delegates to the- Re publican national convention. Why Quay Is Satisfied. Of course Quay had his machine convention indorse President Roose velt in return for the patronage of the state that the President ha3 given him. Quay has not had as soft a snap for many a year as he has under the present administration. Every Federal office in the state has been filled with a Quay partisan. Roose velt and Quay. What strange bedfel lows politics do make! How About Prosperity? The Gould combine have postponed building an extension or their Wabash railroad, as they say ."that within two years we shall be able to make im provements at a less cost than at present." This treason and rebellion against prosperity, if allowed to go on. will result in the overthrow of the Republican party. Its whole stock' in trade is prosperity and protection. life TOO LONESOME IN PRAOU" Old City Made the Consul Long Something Modern. "Did you ever realize what a rP lng sound a foreign language, f &n have upon tho human ear In a strange city whore ono has no friends?" asked Judge A. A. Freeman of New Mexico, In the lobby of th Kbbltt. A veteran figure. Judge Free man has held many office of honor and emolument, having serveul for eight years as assistant attorney gen eral In charge of the legal work of the postofTlce depait merit. "President Grant apjolnted rao consul to Prague, the ancient capital of Bohemia.' continued the Judge, who sat on tho bench In New Meil co. "It is a beautiful old city, with many things to delight the visitor, but I was exceedingly lonesome there. The people; were all strangers J to me and I did not understand the I language. Then were hundreds ejf remarkable places ami minuingH, places rich with historical Interest, for Prague was founded In the year 900. But even tho ancient historical places enhanced my gloom, and I be gan to realize how it Is that soldiers can actually die of homesickness. "One clay I visited an ancient syna gague in one of the quaint Hec-tlonH of tho city. Tho guide took mo to tho aged tombstones, where the Inscrip tions had been worn off by tho ele ments. He was piloting me, a man weary of delving Into the past, among the graves of the long ago and recit ing what those graves wore. " 'My dear man,' I exclaimed In despair, 'can't you show nie a grave that was made) yesterday? It would be positively companionable' "It wasn't long afterward," con cluded the judge, "that I resigned my consulship in the beautiful old city of Prague. It was tio lonesome there for inc." Washington Post. CAPTURED THE WRONG LION. How Head Waiter Came to Have Honors Thrust Upon Him. The c-aretc-r of a social lion hunter Is liable to be attended with an oc casional disapiointmer.t, even though on the whole successful. Burton Holmes, on some of his tours as a lecturer, has been considerably lion ized and he tells this story of a e-orn-pliment which he missed, but which was enjoyed by another. He wnH lec turing in an eastern city, and a re ception was given In his honor at the principal hotel of the place. Among those who attended this re ception was a woman prominent so cially, who has establishe-d a sort of "salon" and receives her friends Sun day afternoons, trying to provide u "lion" or two for each occasion. Burton Holmes was so fortunate as nit to be presented to the fair lion hunter, but she presented herself to tho man she bad stalked for her game, and urged upon blin her Invi tation for the; Sunday afternoon. Ho very modestly attempted to declines it. His excuses were not ace-epled, and the victim consented tej uppear. Extra arrangements were made for this occaslem and the fact that Mr. Holmes was to be there was herald ed abroad. On the day all tho youth and beauty of the place gathered to gether awaiting the advent of a some what tardy lion, who was re-celved with every mark of consideration and appeared to be embarrassed thereby. The head waiter had been mistaken for the eminent lecturer. Jairus' Daughter. The little mald'H twelve uta lrili-nn yf-nrn Were juiat, and nhf was fallen on mIi-ui, When to her nlde the ManiT ramc, Utteririjr stranK muHc In her 'iirx, And with the touch of a new birth That, like a fine und frajcrnt tlfime. Through every vain xwept full and deep. Called her attain to happy earth. How far In heavr-n her little feet Had folio we-d, there are none to H'ly, What atmosphere of love tho while Wrapped h'r like Buimhlne warm an1 sweet; What soft wlnR Ptooped about her there. The gracious light of what Klad ainih;. What tenderneHs along the way Met and caressed lier everywhere. Whether fhe saw In rank o'er rank Ktrst venturinK Into heaven alone A phalanx of archangels hln-. Or whether on some Mon.som-bank A cloud of cherubs Hanjr and Hang, One knows not, nor If all divine She saw; about the Great White Throne, The rainbow like an emerald hang. Tet earth mut needs be pweet to her After that voice, that touoh of grat.-u. The heavenly peace imparted then Kor her blest hands to minister. And still a question eomes to rne Of days ere heaven was hers again. And which of all her wandering rai- Child of that little maid might be. Harriet Prescott Kpoffold In Youth' Companion. Very Human. F. L. Colver, president of Frank Ies lie's Popular Mejiuhly Publishing com pany, has a mechanical playing attach ment for the piane at his suburban home in Tenafly. On a recent evening while Mr. Colver was entertaining some friends, it so happened! that the attachment did not operate properly, something being wrong with the mech anism. "What remarkable devices these new mechanical attachments are, anyway, remarked one of the guests. "I declare they seem to be almost human!" "Yes," responded Mr. Colver, as L continued to tinker with the attach ment, "you see, this one even has t be coaxed to play!" New York Times. Favors Young Men for Office. Schwab likes to help worthy young lien. Himself a protege of Andrew Carnegie, he has gathered about him several able youngsters who are proud to 6et themselves down as his pro teges. There is one In particular, now a resident of New York. Hi? name Is Benner. His age i3 32. Schwab, Carnegie & Co. have male him president of a corporation at a salary of $23,000 a year -nd It is be lieved that he is a cheap man at that price. Mr. Benner is a bachelor, liv ing in superb apartments at the Pier pont. Breaks the Bottle. Rear Admiral Francis R. Bowles, chief constructor of the navy and somewhat of an authority on launch ing, is the inventor of an apparatu3 whereby the fair christener has only to let go of the bottle as the ship moves and watch it swing unerringly to the lew.