rvni iTinu nmminrn i,owek' couitT affik3iei.j vQfT.f?UTnrTO i1 a 01? I I s1 i12 augo comYwoNDEKKui. cure of uiakkhoka.j
In Ail Sections
of the Country
And All Indica
tions Are that He
POPULIST.
BOSS CROKER
DEHOCRAT.
SOLDIER.
CLERGYMAN.
BRYAN
Bryan's Pretensions Dissected
by a Former Supporter.
Warmly Supported Expansion
in the New York Journal.
No Thoughtful and Responsible
Man Can Hesitate.
Gen. Anderson on the Character
cf Our Filipino Allies.
"God Has Expanded Us," Says
Bishop C. H. Fowler.
Will Destroy Gold Standard at
First Opportunity.
BEATEN
Democracy's Death Is a Prerequisite to
Ax Political Reform, Says George
Kutberford. the Populist
Geo. W. Rutherford, one of the pion
ers of the Populist party in Marion
County, III., Bryan's home county, is out
against Bryan.
Mr. Rutherford has been a ropulist
ver since that party was formed and
has quite a following in this State, as he
is well and favorably known as a man
of high integrity. When giving his rea
son for nwt voting for Bryan this year,
.as he did in 1S!X, Mr. Rutherford said:
"I severed my connection with the Re
publican party (solely on the questionof
finnm-c. voting for Peter Cooper in 187(5.
iincc then, till 18t), I uniformly voted,
when voting at all, for the presidential
candidate of the third party.
"I supported W. J. Bryan four years
g because:
1. He stood for bimetallism at the
ratio of 10 to 1, demanding also in the
1-lJtforni 'that the standard silver dollar
Hhould Ik- a full legal tender, equal with
jjold, for all debts public and private.
The Democratic party, for the first
time since the Civil War, took the aftlrm
aitive side of the live issuer, and we Popu
lists duped ourselves into the belief that
Mr. Bryan and his party really meant It
for. at least, as many years as five.
".'. That party actually named a can
didate for President outside of New
York, a political heresy they had not dar
'd to be guilty of but twice in thirty-sis
j ears.
T cannot support Bryan and St-?ven-.on
this year for various reasons, some
of which are:
"1. They stand for a 45-cent silver dol
lar. By purposely leaving out of their
silver plank at Kansas City the legal teu
lcr clause, their so-called silver d dl.ir
shrinks to its bullion value.
"2. Mr. Bryan said in accepting the
Populist nomination: "It is true that the
Populists believe in an irredeemable
reenbaci ; while the Democrat believe
ia a greenback redeemable in coiii."
"Tom Merrit of Salem says: 'In fishing
for Populists you need no bait. Instead
throw in the naked hook; they will bite
at anything. Bryan and Tom attended
the same school.
"3. Bryan's party relegated to the rear
the silver question by 'paramoiinting the
1'ogy 'imperialism. which is a child of
Bryan's begetting, he acting as accouch
eur in securing the one majority for the
Spanish-American treaty. Theti he took
the place of wet nurse, having the child
Pressed at Kansas City, afterwards car
Tied to Indianapolis, and holding the pub
lie weakling up before the gaze of his
auditors, he attempts to justify his liai
son by the following self-convicting testi
mony: " 'I believe that we are now in a ltter
position to wage a successful contest
ngainst imperialism than we would have
been had the treaty been rejected.
"He, not like St. Paul, would do evil
tha'-ood to his party might come.
"W.s actions in urging the members of
Ids party in the Senate to vote for the
ratification of that treaty, and his lan
guage in justification convicts him be
yond doubt, to say the least, of duplicity.
That treaty provided for the payment of
$20.X),0X) to Spain for the Philippines,
the United States agreeing to certain
stipulations, the performance of which
requires ten years from the date of the
ratification of the treaty. A fight had
occurred between the American soldiers
iind the Filipinos two days before the
treaty was ratified; and that treaty con
tains the following section: 'The civil
rights and political status of the native
inhabitants of the territory herein ceded
to the United States shall be determined
by Congress.'
"All of this Mr. Bryan knew, yet he
poses as the champion of the ratification
that spawned imperialism as well as the
champion anti-imperialist.
"4. The Kansas City platform charac
terizes the Philippine war as a war of
criminal aggression.' Mr. Bryan running
upon that platform said in substance at
Indianapolis: "If elected President, my
lirst act after inauguration will be to con
vene Congress in extraordinary session
and give to the Filipinos a stable aud in
dependent government."
"If Mr. Bryan is a friend of the Amer
ican soldier, as well as a friend to the
Filipinos, how can he be consistent in
the indorsement of that clause of his
platform knowing, as he does, that it can
have no other effect than the encourage
ment of the latter to tight on till after
November G?
"He may be able to reconcile it with
bis superabundant love for humanity, es
pecially the Democratic po. ,ion of it. on
the theory that it puts him and them in
a better position to wage a successful
war against imperialism than if it was
not in the platform.
"The Democratic party has the bold ef
frontery to talk about 'the consent of the
poverued. when they are the only party
in the United States that has been end
is guilty of governing people without
their consent, and not long since believed
in the divine right of one man to own
another.
"Had it not been for the transfusion
of oxidized Populist blood into the veins
of the Democratic party in ISOb the 'old
reminiscence would have ceased cheating
the undertaker, and a sandstone slab
would now be marking the spot of its
everlasting home. Its death is prerequi
site to any political reform. It is the
veritable dog in the manger. It stands
to-day as it has always stood, asininely
and stubbornly across the pathway of
progress.
"The party with which I have been
identified for nearly twenty-five years has
committed suicide, and 1 am. metaphor-
(Continued at bottom of secoud column.)
Views of the Tammany Leader ".An
Insult to Suggest that We Aban
don the Peoples Rescued
from Bondage.
(From the New York Journal.)
Kvery man. in my opinion, should ex
press himself clearly on the great ques
tion of the day. That question is na
tional expansion, which has been the
mainspring of this nation and the policy
of the Democracy since the nation's
birth. The views which follow are mine
personally, and I write them as a private
individual:
I believe in expansion; I believe in
holding whatever possessions we have
gained by annexation, purchase, or war.
This policy is not only patriotic, but it
is the only safe one to pursue. Any
other policy would show weakness on the
part of the United States and invite for
eign complications. This must be avoid
ed, hence our policy must be vigorous.
Kvery patriotic American, and every
Democrat in particular, should favor ex
pansion. Jefferson was an expansionist, other
wise lie would not have favored the ac
quisition of Louisiana, with its foreign
population, which in Jefferson's time was
quite as remote as the Philippines. In
this age of steam and electricity, dis
tance is no argument against expansion.
We spend millions annually for mis
sionary work in foreigu countries. Now
we have a chance to spend this money
in our own possessions, and make the
people of our new lands gixnl. law-abiding
citizens, who in time will be loyal to our
Constitution and our flag. Take England,
for example. The people of this little
isle come pretty near owning the uni
verse. Are not our people as intelligent,
as powerful and as patriotic as tbe Eng
lish people? The United States is the
only country on earth superior to the
English. Why not illustrate to the world
that we are fully able to cope with great
er problems than we have had occasion to
in the past, and in the future dominate
any emergency?
We have a population of eighty mill
ions of people: the country teems with
young men full of life, hope and ambi
tion. Why not give these young men a
chance to develop our newly acquired
possessions, and build up a country rival
ing in grandeur and patriotism out- own
United States?
I say by all means hold on to all that
rightfully belongs to us.
If the great country west of the Itocky
Mountains was tilled with wild Indians
at the present moment, how long would
it take us to suppress them and make
them respect our laws and our Consti
tution? The same thing applies to the
Philippines and any other country that
may fall into our hands by the province
of peace or war.
It is an insult to the American peo
ple and to our flag even to suggest that
we abandon the peoples we have released
from londage, or, what would be more
disgraceful, that we should offer to sell
them to the highest bidder.
Such a proposition places the American
people in the same category with the
Chinese, who have neither patriotism nor
a foreigu policy, and are in consequence
utilized as a doormat by the powers of
the world.
This is too great a question to be con
sidered as a mere matter of dollars and
cents. Our people want their rights pro
tected; they will not figure on the cost.
Bring it down to local government in
the case of street cleaning the cry is,
"We want clean streets." regardless of
the cost. They demand them as their
right. Just so with our possessions
the people want the properties acquired
by war protected. They will pay for a
standing army, a powerful navy, and the
protection of our flag the world over re
gardless of any monetary consideration.
They have proved their willingness to
sacrifice their blood for the honor of
their country and their flag! and when
the question is brought to an issue they
will arise as one man and demand ex
pansion as a citizen's sacred right!
RICHARD CROKER.
New York, Jan. 6, 185)9.
POPULIST.
(Continued from first column.)
tcally speaking, a political orphan. As
an American citizen I claim the right to
do my own thinking and to cast my ballot
for the right as I conceive it to be. I
am not in accord with the Republican
party on the finance question. In think
ing that other people are mistaken I have
on all questions thought that T. too, be
iug human, was liable to err.
"I have never claimed that the kind
of money which should be coined and
used by the people of the United States
is specified in the "Bill of Rights. but is
a question of expediency. The gold stand
ard has been adopted and is on trial.
If it proves to be the best for us. well
and good. If not. our only appeal is to
the people. I consider that question set
tled for the time being.
"It therefore becomes me, as an Amer
ican citizen, to put my vote where I
think, all things considered. It will do the
most good. I shall therefore support the
party of emancipation and progress.
"Who dare say that the inhabitants of
Hawaii and the territory ceded by Spain
to the United States are not on the high
road to education and civilization, and
even now enjoying a greater degree of
freedom than they ever dreamed of while
under the domination of Spanish rule and
that of Queen Lilioukalani?
"President McKinley' administration
has received no word of commendation
from the Democratic party for its exalt
ed statesmanship in our critical compli
cation with China. For that, if for noth
ing more, he deserves the everlasting
gratitude of all true Americans."
John S. Williams, a Virginia Democrat,
Fearfully Reeds tbe Dangerous
Platform and Program of the
Bryan-Demo-Pcpocracy.
The word "Democrat" with us has cov
ered ii II shades of opinion among respon
sible people, and has meant, generally,
opposition to negro rule and social equal
ity. Outsiders can never know the
losses, humiliations and outrages to
which we have been subjected in our
struggles to regain our rights and to re
establish white supremacy.
We have been, politically, under virtual
martial law: and means and methods
have been resorted to and made familiar
which only the exigency of our situation
could justify.
At last white dominion is Ix-ing effec
tually established iu the South, and we
will have the ways of peace und free
government.
The present phase of the negro problem
is convincing the North, and the whole
world, of the folly and diref nines of tbe
effort to place the negro above or on uu
equality with the white. Sufficient
amends can never be made for the insult
and harm done to brothers of a common
stock and household. But those who com
mitted it are dead and dying: and a new
race aud a new era of Americanism is
upon us. Forgetting and forgiving are
the order of the day.
We of the South have reached our level
of citizenship. Absolute unity is no long
er necessary to avert a !ire danger.' We
can participate in public questions, and
share iu government for the common
good.
Moreover. With our minds and mus les
and manhood, we have in spite of dan
gers, in every department of human ef
fort and industry in our land, brought
forth wonderful resources and achieved
wonderful results.
For agricultural, mineral, manufactur
ing and commercial advantages and
promise, our section stands as the fav
ored land of the world: and our domestic
aud social standards and ideals are of
the best aud highest.
With our history iu the past and latest
present, from our immediate standpoint,
and with our bright outlook, what we
want most is peace and stability in our
public affairs. And this is the want of
our whole country.
Uncertainty in our standards of value,
duplicity in our obligations, want of char
acter ia our public men. and mere strife
for party supremacy and spoils in our
elections, must, each and all. point the
way to general confusion and ruin. Un
der such conditions our best hopes and
promises may come to nothing. That's
the lesson of history.
As letween the present administration
and a possible Bryan administration. I
can hardly see bow a thoughtful and re
sponsible man can hesitate. Those of us
who still cherish old sectional animosities
have but one old idea, that of opposition
to Republicanism, and they go for Bry
an. On the other hand, men of business
and enterprise, responsible and thought
ful, are almost unanimous against him..
To me. Mr. McKinley represents, large
ly, stability in general management, and
improving financial conditions and sound
principles. He is trying to do his duty.
Under his administration our country has
encountered problems and difficulties of
immense importance. The Spanish war
was against his will. Both parties rush
ed into it aud he could not withstand
them. But in that our country, uuder
the guidance of himself and bis cabinet,
organized a great army, and, by the fa
vor of heaven, achieved a speedy and
overwhelming triumph over a great em
pire, to the admiration of the world. We
were at once approved as a great power
among nations. Cuban and Filipino en
tanglements are unhappy consequences.
They can be settled only by experiment
and in time.
The Chinese difficulties have been man
aged with temperance and wisdom and
general credit.
Our financial matters are progressing
without panic or trouble. Time and ex
perience will cure them. Free banking
alone will settle the currency questiou.
As things are, it is plain wisdom to let
well enough alone. Our case calls for
temperance.
As to imperialism, that is nothing but
a party cry. We have ten thousand times
more to fear from the despotism of par
ty leaders and the demoralizing means
and methods of Tammany aud the minor
clubs throughout the country, and polit
ical machinery generally, than from the
enlargement or expansion or exertion of
the strong arm of our government fol
lowing and protecting the enterprise of
our citizens.
In Mr. Bryan I can only recognize the
champion of change, the leader of the
outs against the ins, the mouthpiece of
fault-tinders, the head center of malcon
tents, the mirror and kodak of every
phase of politics and fanaticism, an India
rubber man. and an infant phenomenon.
In his last canvass he spent six months
In scattering heresies and kindling social
antagonisms, and feeding envy, hatred,
malice and all uncharitableness.
I regard him as a very apostle of con
fusion. He has covered up free silver,
with which he was identified. leeause it
did not seem to take. What else he has
reserved in his pandora's box no one
knows.
I am no Republican. I claim my right
to think for myself, and own my respon
sibility to vote for the best interests of
the commonwealth. And I think the
safety of our country depends on every
man claiming that right and owning that
responsibility. JOHN S. WILLIAMS.
Richmond, Va., Aug. 20, 1900.
Theodore Sandico Issued the Proclama
tion Ordering the Extermination of
AM Foreigners and Filipinos
Started Fires.
Were any confirmation needed that the
Aguinaldo party intended the massacre
of all non-Filipino in Mauila and to burn
the city itself, it has been supplied'-by
(Jen. Thomas M. Anderson (retired). He
was in command of the troops at that
critical time in Manila, and iu regard to
the wild statements of Senators Petti
grew aud Allen he says in a signed com
munication: "Sir In the report of Senator Spool
er's speech in relation to the suppression
of the Philippine insurrection, it appears
that Senator Pcttigrew denied tl'at Theo
dore Sandico issued a proclamation or
dering the extermiuatiou of all inhabit
ants of Manila men, women and chil
dren ex-cpt Filipiuo families. I was
then in command of the district south of
the l'asig river, and found the proclama
tion posted in conspicuous places in my
part of the city. I had theui torn down
aud one translated. They were signed
by Sand ii-o.
"I had received letters from him and
knew his signature. Moreover, soldiers
of my command arrested two Filipino
men in women's clothes .-.citing tire to the
houses in the city. They were brought
to me and I had them turned over to the
provost marshal general.
"Senator Allen also asserted that Senor
Torres came into the city under a flag of
truce to ask for a suspension of hostili
ties. As I know that Torres was within
our lines when the fighting began it is not
apparent bow he came in, when it seems
almost impossible for him to have gotten
out. Ou the oth of February white flags
were hung out from every Filipiuo house
iu Manila, and the few Filipinos who
ventured into the streets carried little
white flags as an evidence of submission.
Senator Allen's reliable informant seenis
to have forgotten to mention this circum
stance in saying that he saw Torres going
to headquarters under a flag of truce.
Torres naturally inferred, without con
sultation, that Aguinaldo would like a
suspension of hostilities, for in front of
our lirst division alone the insurgents had
lost in one day 7K killed and drowned,
400 prisoners and seven cannon.
"T send this communication to correct,
so far as my testimony is relevant, a very
erroneous impression.
"THOMAS M. ANDERSON."
EX-CONFEDERATE.
Thos. H. Baker on Moral Sup
port in Modern Warfare.
Aguinaldo Would Have Been a Peacefoi
Citizen tut for the Encouragement
Given Mini by Sentimental
Traitors.
I do not believe that the Southern bor
der States would have seceded from the
Union in 1K01 but for the aid and com
fort given them by the Copperheads of
the North. When one distinguished ora
tor declared that the Union army would
have to march over the dead bodies of
40,000 Indiana Democrats before they
reached the South, the magnificent utter
ance electrified Tennessee with hope.
Thousands of men hesitated upon the
brink of the awful abyss. They loved
the Union and hated the Abolitiouists.
The l.'nion was a "theory" entwined with
beautiful and patriotic sentiments. Slav
ery was a "condition" in which was in
vested the hard earnings of a lifetime.
At the supreme crisis came the promise
of Northern Democrats that they would
not let us be hurt: their bitter denuncia
tions of the Republican party. The South
made the leap.
During the war we saw Indiana regi
ments and brigades march through the
State of Kentucky. "Tramp," "Tramp,"
"Tramp," they passed through Tennes
see. Georgia and South Carolina. We
never did learn how the poor fellows got
over those 40,000 dead bodies of their
Democratic friends and neighbors. We
were fully persuaded they killed and
made a corduroy road of them, because
the anti-imperialists of Indiana said they
would.
Our next hope after we got mixed up
together"was that England and France
would help us for commercial reasons.
Vallandigham. Stevenson and a thousand
other Copperheads like the good brethren
who held up Joshua's arms, held ours up
by encouraging us to hold out a little
longer, by denouncing the war a "fail
ure" and keeping us posted as to the
movements of our enemies.
This is all ancient history, but I, an old
Confederate, can see very readily how
the anti-imperialist league can materially
aid Aguinaldo and his crowd. Every old
soldier. North and South, understands
the force of moral support. Our war
would not have lasted three months but
for Northern Democratic encouragement,
and I believe Aguinaldo would have been
as peaceful a citizen as Gomez but for
the encouragement he has received from
the sentimental traitors of the Anti-Imperial
League.
THOMAS H. BAKER.
United States Marshal Western District
of Tennessee.
Memphis, Tenn., Aug. 27, 1000.
A Powerful Sermon on Expansion and
tbe Duties of tbe Hour, Preached
by the Noted Methodist Divine.
All men now begin to recognize the
providential character of Abraham Lin
coln. We tee him as one of God's
prophets.
History repeats itself. One generation
stones the prophets, and the next, their
children, build them monuments. Only
a few souls have the intuition to recog
nize a living prophet. These prophets
neither dress nor act like the old proph
ets; that would be mere charlatanism.
Every prophet must be fitted into his
own time, suit his own environment. One
comes as a pilgrim, like Abraham; an
other as a hired man and herdsman, like
Jacob; another as a leader and lawgiver,
like Moses. Another as a warrior, like
Joshua; another as an executioner, like
Elijah; another as a scholar, like Paul;
each man fitting his own age.
To find a prophet, we must not take
the grave clothes of the dead seers, and
ruu through the mart, trying to find some
man whom they will lit. We must so
read events as to recognize the man who
tits and tills his time. He must be in
league with events. Napoleon on St.
Helena said: "At Waterloo events desert
ed me." He dropped out of the nick of
time. The prophet must be a history
maker. To find our prophet, we must
find the trend of events; then we can
easily find the hand that is making the
bend iu the stream of history.
This hand we find in the White House.
President McKinley may not fit the
clothes of the old prophets, but he is
fitting the trend of events in this age.
He so stands in the midst of the world's
forces that he reaches results in civiliza
tion. He is bending the streams of his
tory in the right direction. Sink down
into the undercurrent, down below the
party strife on the surface, down into
the great stream that sweeps on through
the sea of the centuries bearing the races
up to higher latitudes and levels, and
catch the moral forces that are evolving
the world's destiny, and you will find that
this statement is not politics, but relig
ion (Sod's religion, that moves always on
in one direction.
The three greatest missionary events of
the Christian era since the crucifixion of
Jesus are: First, the conversion of St.
Paul. This opened the door to the (Sen
tiles; this was our chance. Second, the
firing on Fort Sumter. This made the
Saxon race fit for evangelical uses. Third,
the blowing up or the Maine. This uni
fied the nation and sent us out about
our work.
It melted the American elements in the
furnace of war, and made all Americans
one. The son of Gen. Grant and the
nephew of (Jen. Lee marched side by side
under one flag and against a common en
emy. These Saxons are said to be bad neigh
bors. We have some dark spots in our
history. The Snxon sometimes has made
a bad record. Yet it must also be said
that we have never enslaved a race, with
out leaving it freer than it was before we
enslaved it. For the ages through and
the world around, there can be found no
such liberties anywhere else as are found
under the Stars and Stripes.
The Mowing up of the Maine was an
eye-opener to us, and soon to all the
world. Our great Washington (we should
never speak hi name but to honor it),
our great Washington said to us, as a
little strip of Atlantic colonies, "Beware
of foreign entanglements." It was the
height of wisdom. It suited our infancy
like a bib. lie pinned this bib upon us
and said, "Keep in the middle of the lot,
or the boys on the next lot will throw
mud on your bib." So we kept in the
middle of the lot, and grew till we out
grew the lot. We grew from three mill
ions to seventy-five millions. The bib
was too small for us. It looked like a
cotton patch on the breast of our uni
form. We had more beefsteaks and silk
dresses, more spelling books and New
Testaments, to the thousand people, than
could be found anywhere else in the
world.
We were as much under obligations to
help the poorer and more ignorant races
as ever. St. Paul was to go "far hence
to the Gentiles"; but we stuck to our At
lantic waters, coasted by our shores, we
held on to our little big, contented, ex
pecting to stay always in our western
waters.
But one day the Spanish touched off a
magazine under us. Then the jig was up.
Come what might, we must fight to the
finish. We went up into the air, and
came down everywhere to stay.
This sent us out about our providen
tial job; this made missionaries of us.
We are in Manila. We are ready to help
China.
God has expanded us; we can't help it.
You might as well try to catch yonder
eagle perched on a crag of the mountains,
pluming his pinions to wrestle with the
whirlwind, and then try to crowd him
back into the little eggshell out of which
he has broken, as to try to throttle this
American race and crowd it back into
the thirteen original colonies. Some of
the old gentlemen on that old soil of some
of those old thirteen colonies, who have
never left it, may think it would be a
good thing for our great continent-embracing
people to come back home. But
it is impossible.
God has expanded us.
Long years nso, back in the forties,
Thomas H. Benton. United States Sena
tor from Missouri, standing in his place
in the Senate, pleading for a Pacific rail
road, pointed toward the setting sun and
cried: "See there, gentlemen, there is
the East!"
To-day we catch up our papers and
(Continued at bottom of sixth column.)
He Is Not Begging for Votes of Those
Who Believe Gold Standard Essen
tial to Welfare of This Country.
They say I am begging for vote.
Not at all. I never asked a man to
vote for me. In fact, I have told some
people to vote against me. That is
more than most candidates do. I
have said that if there was anybody
who believed in the maintenance of
the gold standard nntil foreign na
tions came to us and graciously per
mitted us to abandon it, I said that if
anybody should believe that the gold
standard -was absolutely essential to
the welfare of this country, he ought
not to vote for me at all. I do not
want any man to vote for me and
then object to my doing what I ex
pect to do if you elect me, and if I
can prevent the maintenance of the
gold standard you can rely upon my
doing it the very first possible oppor
tunity given me.
WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN.
Philadelphia, Sept. 23, .1806.
DEAR BOY" LETTERS NO. 5
My Dear Boy You ask why the Dem
ocrats insist that imperialism and mili
tarism are the "paramount issues of this
campaign."
The reason, my son, is very plain. Our
Democratic friends are pushing these
things to the front because there isn't
anything else for them to talk about this
year. All the rest of their powder has
been burnt once and won't even fizzle this
year. Their platform denounces the
Dingley tariff bill, but they do not wish
to meet us before the people on that
issue. The hard times under the Wilson
bill and the present prosperity under our
protective tariff furnish an object lesson
which makes it uphill business to argue
free trade this year.
Their platform also denounces the gold
standard legislation and demands free
coinage of silver at the ratio of 1G to 1.
But that powder was burnt four years
ago and events have shown the falsity of.
their predictions.
They are like the boy who when beaten
playing marbles says, "Iet's play some
thing else." Beaten on tariff and the
money question, they want to play "mil
itarism" awhile. Their lack of any other
issue is responsible for the conjuring up
of the spectre of "imperialism."
But while they are Dot talking about
free trade or free silver, the people are
not going to forget that they are the
free trade and free silver party. And,
as Mr. Lincoln used to say, that reminds
me of a little story.
One of our excellent missionaries and
his good wife went to an island in Poly
nesia about fifty years ago. They stayed
there sixteen years and their work was
wonderfully successful. They found a
tribe of savages. They left a tribe of
civilized. Christian people, industrious
and temperate, "clothed and in their
right minds."
The incident which illustrates my point
occurred during the first year of their
residence on the island. A chief clothed
in sunshine and nothing else called on the
missionaries. They treated him politely,
but as he left the house the missionary
followed him and said: "Chief, we are
glad to see you and want you to come
again, but in my country men wear
clothes and my wife is not accustomed
to see men without clothing. The next
time you come to see us, won't you please
put on a little clothing, one or two gar
ments at least?"
The chief promised compliance. A few
days after, he entered the missionaries
home with a satisfied smile on his face,
saying. "Me all right now."
lie had on a shirt collar and a pair of
socks.
My son, Mr. Bryan and his friends
are badly deceived if they think that
their "imperialism" collar and "militar
ism" socks will hide the free trade and
free silver nakedness of the Democratic
party from the gaze of the American,
people.
By the way, speaking of "militarism."
I advise you always to watch with sus
picion any man or any party that is
afraid of tbe United States army. Our
array is a volunteer army of as gallant
men as the sun ever shone upon. They
are our defenders and the protectors of
our persons and property. Hard-working,
uncomplaining, brave and faithful,
they follow the flag through summer's
sun aud winter's storms, through tropi
cal jungles and the dangers of fever and
of battle for yon and me and for their
country's sake. If a man Is a good, law
abiding citizen he has no reason to be
afraid of an American soldier.
I was one, my father was one, my
grandfather was one, and my great
grandfather was one, and I feel like tak
ing off my hat to every soldier I meet.
And whenever I find a man who is
afraid of the "tyranny" of our gallant
little army, I feel like asking him what
he has been doing. It is a small army
for so great a nation, and the introduc
tion of "militarism" in this campaign
shows that our Dcmocrdatic friends are
hard up for an issue.
YOUR FATHER.
CLERGYMAN.
(Continued from fifth column.)
look through the Golden Gate for the
East, the far East. The ages are rolled
together at our feet.
We are standing by the cradle of
China; she is asking us for deliverance.
She has caught the vision of a Northern
Bear "that walks like a man," and she
is asking America to save her.
CHARLES II. FOWLER, D. D.
Buffalo, N. Y.
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